t-align: right; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi;\">&nbsp;</span></p>\r\n</div>\r\n<div id=\"ftn49\" style=\"mso-element: footnote;\">\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: right; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><a style=\"mso-footnote-id: ftn49;\" title=\"\" href=\"file:///E:/last%20test/%D9%85%D9%82%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A7%D8%AA%20%D9%88%D8%A7%D8%A8%D8%AD%D8%A7%D8%AB%20%D9%85%D8%AA%D9%81%D8%B1%D9%82%D8%A9/%D8%A7%D9%94%D8%B2%D9%85%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%82%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%AF%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AF%D9%8A%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B3%D9%8F%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D9%81%D9%8A%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%82%20(1).docx#_ftnref49\" name=\"_ftn49\"><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span dir=\"LTR\"><span style=\"mso-special-character: footnote;\"><!-- [if !supportFootnotes]--><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span style=\"font-size: 10.0pt; font-family: \'Calibri\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;\">[49]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a> <span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;\">المجمع الفقهي، \"رسالة تذكير إلى النواب السُنة\"، 20 حزيران 2014.</span></p>\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: right; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi;\">&nbsp;</span></p>\r\n</div>\r\n<div id=\"ftn50\" style=\"mso-element: footnote;\">\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: right; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><a style=\"mso-footnote-id: ftn50;\" title=\"\" href=\"file:///E:/last%20test/%D9%85%D9%82%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A7%D8%AA%20%D9%88%D8%A7%D8%A8%D8%AD%D8%A7%D8%AB%20%D9%85%D8%AA%D9%81%D8%B1%D9%82%D8%A9/%D8%A7%D9%94%D8%B2%D9%85%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%82%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%AF%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AF%D9%8A%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B3%D9%8F%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D9%81%D9%8A%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%82%20(1).docx#_ftnref50\" name=\"_ftn50\"><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span dir=\"LTR\"><span style=\"mso-special-character: footnote;\"><!-- [if !supportFootnotes]--><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span style=\"font-size: 10.0pt; font-family: \'Calibri\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;\">[50]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a> <span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;\">عبد الملك السعدي، \"بيان رقم 73\"، عن تفجير الوقف في قضاء بلد، 8 تموز 2016</span><span dir=\"LTR\">.</span></p>\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: right; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi;\">&nbsp;</span></p>\r\n</div>\r\n<div id=\"ftn51\" style=\"mso-element: footnote;\">\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: right; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><a style=\"mso-footnote-id: ftn51;\" title=\"\" href=\"file:///E:/last%20test/%D9%85%D9%82%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A7%D8%AA%20%D9%88%D8%A7%D8%A8%D8%AD%D8%A7%D8%AB%20%D9%85%D8%AA%D9%81%D8%B1%D9%82%D8%A9/%D8%A7%D9%94%D8%B2%D9%85%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%82%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%AF%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AF%D9%8A%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B3%D9%8F%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D9%81%D9%8A%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%82%20(1).docx#_ftnref51\" name=\"_ftn51\"><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span dir=\"LTR\"><span style=\"mso-special-character: footnote;\"><!-- [if !supportFootnotes]--><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span style=\"font-size: 10.0pt; font-family: \'Calibri\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;\">[51]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a> <span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;\">المثال النموذجي لخطاب المجمع الفقهي، بيان رقم 42 بشأن مجازر ديالى، 28 كانون الثاني 2015</span><span dir=\"LTR\">.</span></p>\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: right; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi;\">&nbsp;</span></p>\r\n</div>\r\n<div id=\"ftn52\" style=\"mso-element: footnote;\">\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: right; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><a style=\"mso-footnote-id: ftn52;\" title=\"\" href=\"file:///E:/last%20test/%D9%85%D9%82%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A7%D8%AA%20%D9%88%D8%A7%D8%A8%D8%AD%D8%A7%D8%AB%20%D9%85%D8%AA%D9%81%D8%B1%D9%82%D8%A9/%D8%A7%D9%94%D8%B2%D9%85%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%82%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%AF%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AF%D9%8A%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B3%D9%8F%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D9%81%D9%8A%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%82%20(1).docx#_ftnref52\" name=\"_ftn52\"><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span dir=\"LTR\"><span style=\"mso-special-character: footnote;\"><!-- [if !supportFootnotes]--><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span style=\"font-size: 10.0pt; font-family: \'Calibri\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;\">[52]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a> <span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;\">المجمع الفقهي، \"شهادة حق تضامناً مع مسيحي العراق عموماً والموصل بشكل خاص\"، 21 تموز 2014</span><span dir=\"LTR\">.</span></p>\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: right; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi;\">&nbsp;</span></p>\r\n</div>\r\n<div id=\"ftn53\" style=\"mso-element: footnote;\">\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: right; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><a style=\"mso-footnote-id: ftn53;\" title=\"\" href=\"file:///E:/last%20test/%D9%85%D9%82%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A7%D8%AA%20%D9%88%D8%A7%D8%A8%D8%AD%D8%A7%D8%AB%20%D9%85%D8%AA%D9%81%D8%B1%D9%82%D8%A9/%D8%A7%D9%94%D8%B2%D9%85%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%82%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%AF%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AF%D9%8A%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B3%D9%8F%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D9%81%D9%8A%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%82%20(1).docx#_ftnref53\" name=\"_ftn53\"><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span dir=\"LTR\"><span style=\"mso-special-character: footnote;\"><!-- [if !supportFootnotes]--><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span style=\"font-size: 10.0pt; font-family: \'Calibri\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;\">[53]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a> <span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;\">مدير الوقف السني: </span><a href=\"https://www.irfaasawtak.com/iraq/2017/07/24/%D9%85%D8%AF%D9%8A%D8%B1-%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%88%D9%82%D9%81-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B3%D9%86%D9%8A-%D8%AF%D8%A7%D8%B9%D8%B4-%D9%82%D8%AA%D9%84-66-%D8%B1%D8%AC%D9%84-%D8%AF%D9%8A%D9%86-%D9%81%D9%8A-%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%85%D9%88%D8%B5%D9%84\"><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;\">داعش قتل 66 رجل دين في الموصل</span></a><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;\">، ارفع صوتك، 24 تموز 2017. </span></p>\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: right; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi;\">&nbsp;</span></p>\r\n</div>\r\n<div id=\"ftn54\" style=\"mso-element: footnote;\">\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: right; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><a style=\"mso-footnote-id: ftn54;\" title=\"\" href=\"file:///E:/last%20test/%D9%85%D9%82%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A7%D8%AA%20%D9%88%D8%A7%D8%A8%D8%AD%D8%A7%D8%AB%20%D9%85%D8%AA%D9%81%D8%B1%D9%82%D8%A9/%D8%A7%D9%94%D8%B2%D9%85%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%82%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%AF%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AF%D9%8A%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B3%D9%8F%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D9%81%D9%8A%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%82%20(1).docx#_ftnref54\" name=\"_ftn54\"><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span dir=\"LTR\"><span style=\"mso-special-character: footnote;\"><!-- [if !supportFootnotes]--><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span style=\"font-size: 10.0pt; font-family: \'Calibri\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;\">[54]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a> <span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;\">عبد اللطيف الهميم: من الدعوة لكتابة القرآن بدم صدام ومقاومة الاحتلال إلى هاوية العملية السياسية، العربية نيوز، 25 آذار 2016</span><span dir=\"LTR\">.</span></p>\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: right; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi;\">&nbsp;</span></p>\r\n</div>\r\n<div id=\"ftn55\" style=\"mso-element: footnote;\">\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: right; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><a style=\"mso-footnote-id: ftn55;\" title=\"\" href=\"file:///E:/last%20test/%D9%85%D9%82%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A7%D8%AA%20%D9%88%D8%A7%D8%A8%D8%AD%D8%A7%D8%AB%20%D9%85%D8%AA%D9%81%D8%B1%D9%82%D8%A9/%D8%A7%D9%94%D8%B2%D9%85%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%82%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%AF%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AF%D9%8A%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B3%D9%8F%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D9%81%D9%8A%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%82%20(1).docx#_ftnref55\" name=\"_ftn55\"><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span dir=\"LTR\"><span style=\"mso-special-character: footnote;\"><!-- [if !supportFootnotes]--><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span style=\"font-size: 10.0pt; font-family: \'Calibri\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;\">[55]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a> <span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;\">المجمع الفقهي، بيان (48) بشأن تعيين رئيس ديوان الوقف السني، 24 حزيران 2015</span><span dir=\"LTR\">.</span></p>\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: right; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;\">&nbsp;</span></p>\r\n</div>\r\n<div id=\"ftn56\" style=\"mso-element: footnote;\">\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: right; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><a style=\"mso-footnote-id: ftn56;\" title=\"\" href=\"file:///E:/last%20test/%D9%85%D9%82%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A7%D8%AA%20%D9%88%D8%A7%D8%A8%D8%AD%D8%A7%D8%AB%20%D9%85%D8%AA%D9%81%D8%B1%D9%82%D8%A9/%D8%A7%D9%94%D8%B2%D9%85%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%82%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%AF%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AF%D9%8A%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B3%D9%8F%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D9%81%D9%8A%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%82%20(1).docx#_ftnref56\" name=\"_ftn56\"><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span dir=\"LTR\"><span style=\"mso-special-character: footnote;\"><!-- [if !supportFootnotes]--><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span style=\"font-size: 10.0pt; font-family: \'Calibri\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;\">[56]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a> <span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;\">العبادي للمجمع الفقهي: سوف نحاسب المسؤولين عن جريمة الاعتداء على الاعظمية، المجمع الفقهي، 14 مايو 2015</span><span dir=\"LTR\">.</span><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi;\"> ايضاً: </span><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;\">العبادي للمجمع الفقهي: العلماء لهم الدور الكبير في إصلاح المجتمع، المجمع الفقهي، 2 كانون الثاني 2015.</span></p>\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: right; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi;\">&nbsp;</span></p>\r\n</div>\r\n<div id=\"ftn57\" style=\"mso-element: footnote;\">\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: right; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><a style=\"mso-footnote-id: ftn57;\" title=\"\" href=\"file:///E:/last%20test/%D9%85%D9%82%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A7%D8%AA%20%D9%88%D8%A7%D8%A8%D8%AD%D8%A7%D8%AB%20%D9%85%D8%AA%D9%81%D8%B1%D9%82%D8%A9/%D8%A7%D9%94%D8%B2%D9%85%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%82%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%AF%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AF%D9%8A%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B3%D9%8F%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D9%81%D9%8A%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%82%20(1).docx#_ftnref57\" name=\"_ftn57\"><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span dir=\"LTR\"><span style=\"mso-special-character: footnote;\"><!-- [if !supportFootnotes]--><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span style=\"font-size: 10.0pt; font-family: \'Calibri\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;\">[57]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span dir=\"LTR\"> <a href=\"https://www.alquds.co.uk/%d8%b9%d8%a8%d8%af-%d8%a7%d9%84%d9%84%d8%b7%d9%8a%d9%81-%d8%a7%d9%84%d9%87%d9%85%d9%8a%d9%85-%d8%a7%d9%84%d9%85%d8%a7%d9%84%d9%83%d9%8a-%d9%84%d9%85-%d9%8a%d8%b1%d9%81%d8%b9-%d8%a7%d9%84%d8%ad%d8%ac/\"><span dir=\"RTL\" lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;\">عبد اللطيف الهميم</span></a></span><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;\">: المالكي لم يرفع الحجز عن أموالي ومشايخ كبار رشّحوني لرئاسة الوقف السني، جريدة القدس العربي، 27 تشرين الثاني 2014.</span></p>\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: right; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi;\">&nbsp;</span></p>\r\n</div>\r\n<div id=\"ftn58\" style=\"mso-element: footnote;\">\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: right; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><a style=\"mso-footnote-id: ftn58;\" title=\"\" href=\"file:///E:/last%20test/%D9%85%D9%82%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A7%D8%AA%20%D9%88%D8%A7%D8%A8%D8%AD%D8%A7%D8%AB%20%D9%85%D8%AA%D9%81%D8%B1%D9%82%D8%A9/%D8%A7%D9%94%D8%B2%D9%85%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%82%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%AF%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AF%D9%8A%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B3%D9%8F%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D9%81%D9%8A%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%82%20(1).docx#_ftnref58\" name=\"_ftn58\"><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span dir=\"LTR\"><span style=\"mso-special-character: footnote;\"><!-- [if !supportFootnotes]--><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span style=\"font-size: 10.0pt; font-family: \'Calibri\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;\">[58]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a> <span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;\">الأوقاف النيابية: 38 نائباً من اتحاد القوى وافقوا على تسنم الهميم رئاسة الوقف السني، الغد برس، 29 حزيران 2015</span><span dir=\"LTR\">.</span></p>\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: right; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi;\">&nbsp;</span></p>\r\n</div>\r\n<div id=\"ftn59\" style=\"mso-element: footnote;\">\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: right; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><a style=\"mso-footnote-id: ftn59;\" title=\"\" href=\"file:///E:/last%20test/%D9%85%D9%82%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A7%D8%AA%20%D9%88%D8%A7%D8%A8%D8%AD%D8%A7%D8%AB%20%D9%85%D8%AA%D9%81%D8%B1%D9%82%D8%A9/%D8%A7%D9%94%D8%B2%D9%85%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%82%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%AF%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AF%D9%8A%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B3%D9%8F%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D9%81%D9%8A%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%82%20(1).docx#_ftnref59\" name=\"_ftn59\"><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span dir=\"LTR\"><span style=\"mso-special-character: footnote;\"><!-- [if !supportFootnotes]--><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span style=\"font-size: 10.0pt; font-family: \'Calibri\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;\">[59]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span dir=\"LTR\"> <a href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EZUM3bHXN1U\"><span dir=\"RTL\" lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;\">النائب بدر الفحل في برنامج \"الخط الأحمر\"</span></a></span><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;\">، تلفزيون سامراء، 27 تشرين الثاني 2017</span><span dir=\"LTR\">.</span></p>\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: right; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi;\">&nbsp;</span></p>\r\n</div>\r\n<div id=\"ftn60\" style=\"mso-element: footnote;\">\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: right; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><a style=\"mso-footnote-id: ftn60;\" title=\"\" href=\"file:///E:/last%20test/%D9%85%D9%82%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A7%D8%AA%20%D9%88%D8%A7%D8%A8%D8%AD%D8%A7%D8%AB%20%D9%85%D8%AA%D9%81%D8%B1%D9%82%D8%A9/%D8%A7%D9%94%D8%B2%D9%85%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%82%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%AF%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AF%D9%8A%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B3%D9%8F%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D9%81%D9%8A%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%82%20(1).docx#_ftnref60\" name=\"_ftn60\"><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span dir=\"LTR\"><span style=\"mso-special-character: footnote;\"><!-- [if !supportFootnotes]--><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span style=\"font-size: 10.0pt; font-family: \'Calibri\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;\">[60]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span dir=\"LTR\"> <a href=\"http://sunniaffairs.gov.iq/ar/anbar_basement\"><span dir=\"RTL\" lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;\">رئيس الديوان يزور قاعدة الحبانية ويشيد بشجاعة مقاتلي الانبار</span></a></span><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;\">، موقع الوقف السني، 13 تشرين الأول 2015.</span></p>\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: right; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi;\">&nbsp;</span></p>\r\n</div>\r\n<div id=\"ftn61\" style=\"mso-element: footnote;\">\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: right; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><a style=\"mso-footnote-id: ftn61;\" title=\"\" href=\"file:///E:/last%20test/%D9%85%D9%82%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A7%D8%AA%20%D9%88%D8%A7%D8%A8%D8%AD%D8%A7%D8%AB%20%D9%85%D8%AA%D9%81%D8%B1%D9%82%D8%A9/%D8%A7%D9%94%D8%B2%D9%85%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%82%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%AF%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AF%D9%8A%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B3%D9%8F%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D9%81%D9%8A%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%82%20(1).docx#_ftnref61\" name=\"_ftn61\"><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span dir=\"LTR\"><span style=\"mso-special-character: footnote;\"><!-- [if !supportFootnotes]--><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span style=\"font-size: 10.0pt; font-family: \'Calibri\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;\">[61]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span dir=\"LTR\"> <a href=\"https://aawsat.com/home/article/568156/%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%A8%D8%A7%D8%AF%D9%8A-%D9%8A%D8%B4%D9%83%D9%84-%D9%84%D8%AC%D9%86%D8%A9-%D9%84%D8%A5%D8%B9%D8%A7%D8%AF%D8%A9-%D8%A5%D8%B9%D9%85%D8%A7%D8%B1-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B1%D9%85%D8%A7%D8%AF%D9%8A-%D8%A8%D8%B9%D8%AF-%D8%AA%D8%AD%D8%B1%D9%8A%D8%B1%D9%87%D8%A7-%D9%85%D9%86-%C2%AB%D8%AF%D8%A7%D8%B9%D8%B4%C2%BB\"><span dir=\"RTL\" lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;\">العبادي يشكل لجنة لإعادة إعمار الرمادي بعد تحريرها من &laquo;داعش&raquo;</span></a></span><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;\">، الشرق الاوسط، 14 فبراير 2016</span><span dir=\"LTR\">.</span></p>\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: right; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi;\">&nbsp;</span></p>\r\n</div>\r\n<div id=\"ftn62\" style=\"mso-element: footnote;\">\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: right; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><a style=\"mso-footnote-id: ftn62;\" title=\"\" href=\"file:///E:/last%20test/%D9%85%D9%82%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A7%D8%AA%20%D9%88%D8%A7%D8%A8%D8%AD%D8%A7%D8%AB%20%D9%85%D8%AA%D9%81%D8%B1%D9%82%D8%A9/%D8%A7%D9%94%D8%B2%D9%85%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%82%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%AF%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AF%D9%8A%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B3%D9%8F%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D9%81%D9%8A%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%82%20(1).docx#_ftnref62\" name=\"_ftn62\"><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span dir=\"LTR\"><span style=\"mso-special-character: footnote;\"><!-- [if !supportFootnotes]--><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span style=\"font-size: 10.0pt; font-family: \'Calibri\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;\">[62]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span dir=\"LTR\"> <a href=\"https://almadapaper.net/view.php?cat=149302\"><span dir=\"RTL\" lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;\">أنباريون يتّهمون الهميّم بحماية قادة داعش في الرمادي</span></a></span><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;\">، جريدة المدى، 26 ابريل 2016.</span></p>\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: right; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi;\">&nbsp;</span></p>\r\n</div>\r\n<div id=\"ftn63\" style=\"mso-element: footnote;\">\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: right; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><a style=\"mso-footnote-id: ftn63;\" title=\"\" href=\"file:///E:/last%20test/%D9%85%D9%82%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A7%D8%AA%20%D9%88%D8%A7%D8%A8%D8%AD%D8%A7%D8%AB%20%D9%85%D8%AA%D9%81%D8%B1%D9%82%D8%A9/%D8%A7%D9%94%D8%B2%D9%85%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%82%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%AF%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AF%D9%8A%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B3%D9%8F%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D9%81%D9%8A%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%82%20(1).docx#_ftnref63\" name=\"_ftn63\"><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span dir=\"LTR\"><span style=\"mso-special-character: footnote;\"><!-- [if !supportFootnotes]--><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span style=\"font-size: 10.0pt; font-family: \'Calibri\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;\">[63]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span dir=\"LTR\"> \"</span><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;\">عبد القهار السامرائي: الوقف السني تعاقد مع فضائيات بقيمة 4 مليارات دينار والمجمع الفقهي لم يوافق على شريعة الهميم، الغد برس، 30 أبريل 2017</span><span dir=\"LTR\">.</span></p>\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: right; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi;\">&nbsp;</span></p>\r\n</div>\r\n<div id=\"ftn64\" style=\"mso-element: footnote;\">\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: justify; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><a style=\"mso-footnote-id: ftn64;\" title=\"\" href=\"file:///E:/last%20test/%D9%85%D9%82%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A7%D8%AA%20%D9%88%D8%A7%D8%A8%D8%AD%D8%A7%D8%AB%20%D9%85%D8%AA%D9%81%D8%B1%D9%82%D8%A9/%D8%A7%D9%94%D8%B2%D9%85%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%82%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%AF%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AF%D9%8A%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B3%D9%8F%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D9%81%D9%8A%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%82%20(1).docx#_ftnref64\" name=\"_ftn64\"><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span dir=\"LTR\"><span style=\"mso-special-character: footnote;\"><!-- [if !supportFootnotes]--><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span style=\"font-size: 10.0pt; font-family: \'Calibri\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;\">[64]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a> <span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;\">محكمة النزاهة: </span><a href=\"http://aliraqnews.com/%D9%85%D8%AD%D9%83%D9%85%D8%A9-%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%86%D8%B2%D8%A7%D9%87%D8%A9%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AD%D9%83%D9%85-%D8%B9%D9%84%D9%89-%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%87%D9%85%D9%8A%D9%85-%D8%A8%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B3%D8%AC%D9%86/\"><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;\">الحكم على الهميم بالسجن لمدة سنة واحدة مع وقف التنفيذ</span></a><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;\">، شبكة اخبار العراق، 16 ابريل 2017</span><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi;\"> [هامش الباحث]. ورغم مقاضاة الهميم وادانته بالفساد، إلا انه ظل محتفظاً بإدارة الوقف السُني حتى اقيل في أغسطس 2018، إثر تفشي الفساد في ديوان الوقف على نحو واسع [هامش المترجم].</span></p>\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: justify; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi;\">&nbsp;</span></p>\r\n</div>\r\n<div id=\"ftn65\" style=\"mso-element: footnote;\">\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: right; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><a style=\"mso-footnote-id: ftn65;\" title=\"\" href=\"file:///E:/last%20test/%D9%85%D9%82%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A7%D8%AA%20%D9%88%D8%A7%D8%A8%D8%AD%D8%A7%D8%AB%20%D9%85%D8%AA%D9%81%D8%B1%D9%82%D8%A9/%D8%A7%D9%94%D8%B2%D9%85%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%82%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%AF%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AF%D9%8A%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B3%D9%8F%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D9%81%D9%8A%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%82%20(1).docx#_ftnref65\" name=\"_ftn65\"><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span dir=\"LTR\"><span style=\"mso-special-character: footnote;\"><!-- [if !supportFootnotes]--><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span style=\"font-size: 10.0pt; font-family: \'Calibri\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;\">[65]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span dir=\"LTR\"> <a href=\"http://sunniaffairs.gov.iq/ar/%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%89-%D9%83%D8%A7%D9%81%D8%A9-%D9%85%D9%86%D8%AA%D8%B3%D8%A8%D9%8A-%D8%A7%D9%88%D9%82%D8%A7%D9%81-%D9%86%D9%8A%D9%86%D9%88%D9%89-%D9%81%D9%8A-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AC%D8%A7%D9%86%D8%A8-%D8%A7\"><span dir=\"RTL\" lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;\">الى كافة منتسبي أوقاف نينوى في الجانب الأيمن من الموصل</span></a></span><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;\">، موقع الوقف السني، 7 مايو 2017</span><span dir=\"LTR\">.</span></p>\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: right; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi;\">&nbsp;</span></p>\r\n</div>\r\n<div id=\"ftn66\" style=\"mso-element: footnote;\">\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: justify; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><a style=\"mso-footnote-id: ftn66;\" title=\"\" href=\"file:///E:/last%20test/%D9%85%D9%82%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A7%D8%AA%20%D9%88%D8%A7%D8%A8%D8%AD%D8%A7%D8%AB%20%D9%85%D8%AA%D9%81%D8%B1%D9%82%D8%A9/%D8%A7%D9%94%D8%B2%D9%85%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%82%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%AF%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AF%D9%8A%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B3%D9%8F%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D9%81%D9%8A%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%82%20(1).docx#_ftnref66\" name=\"_ftn66\"><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span dir=\"LTR\"><span style=\"mso-special-character: footnote;\"><!-- [if !supportFootnotes]--><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span style=\"font-size: 10.0pt; font-family: \'Calibri\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;\">[66]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a> <span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;\">المجمع الفقهي، رئيس جماعة الأزهر وشيخ المقارئ المصرية ورئيس ديوان الوقف السني في ضيافة المجمع الفقهي العراقي، 16 كانون الثاني 2017</span><span dir=\"LTR\">.</span></p>\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: justify; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi;\">&nbsp;</span></p>\r\n</div>\r\n<div id=\"ftn67\" style=\"mso-element: footnote;\">\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: justify; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><a style=\"mso-footnote-id: ftn67;\" title=\"\" href=\"file:///E:/last%20test/%D9%85%D9%82%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A7%D8%AA%20%D9%88%D8%A7%D8%A8%D8%AD%D8%A7%D8%AB%20%D9%85%D8%AA%D9%81%D8%B1%D9%82%D8%A9/%D8%A7%D9%94%D8%B2%D9%85%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%82%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%AF%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AF%D9%8A%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B3%D9%8F%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D9%81%D9%8A%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%82%20(1).docx#_ftnref67\" name=\"_ftn67\"><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span dir=\"LTR\"><span style=\"mso-special-character: footnote;\"><!-- [if !supportFootnotes]--><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span style=\"font-size: 10.0pt; font-family: \'Calibri\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;\">[67]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a> <span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;\">مقابلة اجراها الباحث مع نائب سُني [لم يذكر اسمه] في العام 2016 في العاصمة الاردنية عمان</span><span dir=\"LTR\">.</span><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi;\"> وثمة تصريح مشابه آخر، </span><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;\">عبد القهار السامرائي: الوقف السني تعاقد مع فضائيات بقيمة 4 مليارات دينار والمجمع الفقهي لم يوافق على شريعة الهميم، الغد برس، 30 أبريل 2017</span><span dir=\"LTR\">.</span></p>\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: justify; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi;\">&nbsp;</span></p>\r\n</div>\r\n<div id=\"ftn68\" style=\"mso-element: footnote;\">\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: right; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><a style=\"mso-footnote-id: ftn68;\" title=\"\" href=\"file:///E:/last%20test/%D9%85%D9%82%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A7%D8%AA%20%D9%88%D8%A7%D8%A8%D8%AD%D8%A7%D8%AB%20%D9%85%D8%AA%D9%81%D8%B1%D9%82%D8%A9/%D8%A7%D9%94%D8%B2%D9%85%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%82%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%AF%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AF%D9%8A%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B3%D9%8F%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D9%81%D9%8A%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%82%20(1).docx#_ftnref68\" name=\"_ftn68\"><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span dir=\"LTR\"><span style=\"mso-special-character: footnote;\"><!-- [if !supportFootnotes]--><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span style=\"font-size: 10.0pt; font-family: \'Calibri\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;\">[68]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span dir=\"LTR\"> <a href=\"https://aawsat.com/home/article/1039606/%D8%B3%D9%8F%D9%86%D9%91%D8%A9-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%82-%D9%8A%D9%8F%D8%AD%D9%8A%D9%88%D9%86-%D9%85%D8%B7%D9%84%D8%A8-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A5%D9%82%D9%84%D9%8A%D9%85\"><span dir=\"RTL\" lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;\">سُنة العراق يُحيون مطلب الإقليم</span></a></span><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;\">، الشرق الاوسط، 2 تشرين الأول 2017</span><span dir=\"LTR\">.</span></p>\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: right; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi;\">&nbsp;</span></p>\r\n</div>\r\n<div id=\"ftn69\" style=\"mso-element: footnote;\">\r\n<p class=\"MsoFootnoteText\" dir=\"RTL\" style=\"text-align: right; direction: rtl; unicode-bidi: embed;\"><a style=\"mso-footnote-id: ftn69;\" title=\"\" href=\"file:///E:/last%20test/%D9%85%D9%82%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A7%D8%AA%20%D9%88%D8%A7%D8%A8%D8%AD%D8%A7%D8%AB%20%D9%85%D8%AA%D9%81%D8%B1%D9%82%D8%A9/%D8%A7%D9%94%D8%B2%D9%85%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%82%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%AF%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AF%D9%8A%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B3%D9%8F%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%A9%20%D9%81%D9%8A%20%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%82%20(1).docx#_ftnref69\" name=\"_ftn69\"><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span dir=\"LTR\"><span style=\"mso-special-character: footnote;\"><!-- [if !supportFootnotes]--><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span style=\"font-size: 10.0pt; font-family: \'Calibri\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;\">[69]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></span></span></a><span dir=\"LTR\"> <a href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QEt4wRnPKxc\"><span dir=\"RTL\" lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;\">مقابلة مع مهدي الصميدعي</span></a></span><span lang=\"AR-SA\" style=\"font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;\">، قناة السومرية، 23 أبريل 2017</span><span dir=\"LTR\">.</span></p>\r\n</div>\r\n</div>', 183);
INSERT INTO `kon_training_translations` (`id`, `locale`, `title`, `description`, `content`, `kon_training_id`) VALUES
(349, 'en', 'The crisis of Sunni religious leadership in Iraq', 'Sunni religious leaders in Iraq receive less attention from political observers than their Shiite counterparts...', '<p dir=\"ltr\">Introduction</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">Sunni religious leaders in Iraq receive less attention from political observers than their Shiite counterparts, despite playing roles in the country\'s difficult path over the past twenty years, during which they lived through totalitarian rule, civil sectarian conflict, and then the era of the terrorist organization ISIS. The political fragmentation of the Sunni religious leadership has reflected&mdash;and in some cases helped fuel&mdash;internal Sunni conflicts and disagreements and has prevented the Sunni community from coming to terms with its desired place in &ldquo;post-Saddam Iraq.&rdquo; Iraqi Sunni clerics have repeatedly tried, but failed, to develop the kind of (centralized) religious leadership that would enable them to function as a cohesive force in the public political arena, in parallel with the religious leadership of the Shiite community represented by the &ldquo;Hawza of Najaf.&rdquo;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">Sunni religious leaders in Iraq occupy a &ldquo;strange and different position,&rdquo; and Sunni Islam has long been an official state-sponsored sect in modern Iraq, meaning its institutions are funded and managed by a government body. However, unlike the &ldquo;Islamic patronage model&rdquo; in Egypt or some other Arab countries, the Iraqi Sunni leadership does not have a single leader or traditional (central) decision-making body.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">To compensate for the lack of unified religious leadership, a broad spectrum of Sunni religious leaders share a professional or jurisprudential identity and often come from common educational backgrounds and certain beliefs about the nature of society and politics in Iraq. Despite this, they were never able to reach a consensus on the Sunni community&rsquo;s relationship with the &ldquo;post-Saddam regime,&rdquo; which led to failure and division, which sometimes had dire consequences for the Iraqi Sunni community in general.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">The rise and fall of the \"Islamic State - ISIS\" did not change the basis of division or end the political fragmentation of the Sunni religious leadership. Despite the expulsion of ISIS from all major Sunni cities, there is no clear vision for the participation of the Sunni community in post-Baathist Iraq under the leadership of the Shiites. Examining the failed efforts of the Sunni religious leadership to come to terms with the political realities of &ldquo;post-Saddam Iraq&rdquo; can reveal the contours of future challenges. The experience of Iraq indicates that official religious institutions sponsored by the state cannot be considered a useful ally in supporting the fight against radical Islamic extremism.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">First: Before ISIS: Sunni doctrine in Iraq</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">The structure of Sunni religious institutions in Iraq makes them vulnerable to political influences, but they are not determined to play political roles in an effective and influential manner. Sunni religious officials, from Friday preachers to muezzins and even mosque workers, are government employees, paid salaries, and subject to civil service laws. Historically, since Ottoman rule, Sunnis have always enjoyed official state patronage in Iraq.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">After the founding of modern Iraq in 1921, official patronage became increasingly tight and bureaucratic, as royal governments adopted more stringent regulations and laws for managing endowments and charitable funds, including conducting transparent bidding for contracts to build or repair mosques. By the late 1950s, the Republican government of Abdul Karim Qasim considered mosque preachers and other religious workers to be government employees and granted them official retirement rights. While Shiite religious leaders who operated outside the government institutional umbrella by relying on &ldquo;donations [the fifth and legal rights]&rdquo; to finance their activities, avoided the bureaucratic procedures to which Sunni religious leaders were subjected and were therefore not greatly affected by government legislation, which now effectively applied only to Sunni mosques.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">During the Ba\'ath era, official state control over Sunni clerics was further tightened, as the authorities sought to view religious leaders as supporters of the ruling regime. The Law on Service in Religious and Charitable Institutions of 1976 imposed on preachers to preach Baathist achievements in ritual sermons, including &ldquo;the achievements of the July 17 Revolution,&rdquo; as an example; Islamic secondary schools, which train aspiring young Sunni preachers, were directed to give their students a &ldquo;patriotic, nationalistic, spiritual, and revolutionary education.&rdquo; The central state also placed higher religious education under its control. The Great Imam College in Baghdad, which was renamed in 1985 to the &ldquo;Higher Islamic Institute for the Preparation of Imams and Preachers,&rdquo; replaced traditional indoctrination relations with a university academic curriculum in a more scientific manner.&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">Sunni religious leaders\' acceptance of state control creates a sharp contrast with the status of their Shiite counterparts and their relationship with authority. This can be partly explained by the fact that Ba\'ath leaders were formally considered Sunni Muslims. But there are more fundamental differences regarding the social status of clerics. Shiite mujtahids were revered and esteemed by the general public, while Sunni religious leaders lacked this kind of popularity and popularity.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">Sunni religious people lack the sacred Shiite financing system [the fifth], and the Sunni public does not have religious activities similar to the Shiite ceremonial rituals that depend on mobilizing popular feelings, especially among the poor and uneducated groups in the southern countryside. While in Sunni areas, in the early to mid-twentieth century, the social majority was uneducated, in rural communities they were largely indifferent to religious participation, even attending mosques was non-existent. Therefore, state support for building mosques and training preachers in republican Iraq, especially under Ba\'ath rule, may be viewed by most Sunni religious leaders as a welcome patronage, rather than an attempted takeover of society.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">The &ldquo;Faith Campaign,&rdquo; launched by Saddam Hussein in 1993, promoted a new concept of the relationship between the &ldquo;patron-client&rdquo; relationship, meaning the relationship between the state and Sunni religious leaders, as the authorities allocated additional resources and attention to mosques and religious education. However, the campaign was a representation of Saddam Hussein\'s idiosyncratic whims, while the political system remained secular, the consumption of alcohol remained legal, and the court system was based on Western civil legislation and not inspired by Islamic law. Meanwhile, religious activists suspected of undermining the ruling regime or organizing political Islamic groups faced continued repression by the security services.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">The reactions of the Sunni religious elite to the &ldquo;Campaign of Faith&rdquo; were divided into two main camps:</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&bull; In The first camp, many preachers welcomed and even participated in passing on the Baathist project of reviving Islamic values mixed with Arab nationalism, through rhetorical metaphors and narratives that were dictated by the political climate of the country in the 1990s, where anti-\"imperialism\" and \"Zionism\" were major topics in religious sermons. ; At the same time, the government media began using jurisprudential arguments to discredit Shiite Islam as a way to justify the repressive actions of Saddam\'s regime after the southern Shiite uprising in 1991.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&bull; The second camp was joined by several Sunni leaders and activists influenced by the doctrine of the &ldquo;Muslim Brotherhood,&rdquo; considering social reforms based on the &ldquo;Islamization of society&rdquo; as a more important goal than what the ruling regime could gain from its new geopolitical orientation. Since they were unable to organize themselves politically; They took advantage of the religious campaign to form their charitable and Islamic advocacy organizations. They focused on imposing the &ldquo;veil&rdquo; and covering women&rsquo;s hair and obtained special permission to import &ldquo;women&rsquo;s Islamic clothing&rdquo; with the help of their sympathizers in the Iraqi Sunni diaspora, who in turn collected money for this and other Islamic advocacy purposes.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">These two camps did not clash in direct conflict in the 1990s; But the division between them became more clear after 2003, especially between supporters and opponents of the political process formed under the auspices of the American occupation.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">Second: Invasion and rebellion: The dilemma of Sunni religious leaders</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">The US invasion of Iraq in 2003 created an almost intractable dilemma between Sunni religious leaders and the Iraqi state that pays their salaries, which is now under US tutelage, and many Sunnis do not trust a new political process controlled by Shiite Islamists and Kurdish nationalists. Sunni Arab religious leaders have long preached &ldquo;Iraqi patriotism,&rdquo; but they have been confused between &ldquo;patriotism,&rdquo; which means supporting the government, or opposing the American invasion. There is an added factor; The ideology of &ldquo;resistance&rdquo; advocated by Sunni clerics became closely aligned with Sunni religious sentiment throughout the region.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">Two approaches to this dilemma emerged among the most prominent Sunni religious leaders in the media, and it seemed a successful approach for some time. It was the approach of the hard line against the American occupation, led by the Al-Azhari cleric Harith Al-Dhari, who was teaching preachers at the Higher Institute for Preparing Preachers and Preachers during the days of the &ldquo;Campaign of Faith.&rdquo;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">The Dari began organizing the clergy soon after the invasion, initially focusing on humanitarian affairs. But Dhari\'s group, known as the Association of Muslim Scholars in Iraq, quickly adopted political rhetoric, assuming that Sunni militants would eventually oust the United States and be celebrated as heroes. While the body praised the rebels, it carefully avoided any explicit calls inciting violence that might lead to the arrest or prosecution of its members. It also called for a boycott of the general elections, arguing that the United States would dominate its results. Al-Dhari envisioned that the &ldquo;Association of Muslim Scholars in Iraq&rdquo; would be the equivalent of the Shiite authority led by Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, who emerged as a decisive religious and spiritual leader regarding structural issues in post-2003 Iraq.&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">Al-Dari&rsquo;s comparison of the &ldquo;Association of Muslim Scholars&rdquo; with the Shiite religious authority seemed unrealistic, as the organization is a new political entity, with no historical or theological basis for its authority. In essence, it was a special committee of clerics united by a vision that Iraq was amid a resistance to free itself from foreign occupation. Within a few months of its establishment, the Authority issued a newspaper in its name called (Al-Basa&rsquo;ir). The title appears to have been an intentional reference to a newspaper of the same name, published in Algeria in the 1930s by an association of clerics opposed to the French occupation.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">The Association of Muslim Scholars nominally had collective leadership, but in practice, the Dari dominated leadership and decision-making. His point of view was partly influenced by his social background: his grandfather, Dhari al-Mahmoud, was a sheikh from the Shammar tribe, and a popular figure in the 1920 revolt against the British occupation of Iraq.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">While the Association of Muslim Scholars claimed to speak on behalf of the Sunni clerics on political issues, it had no actual administrative authority over the clerical class. The bureaucratic authority, such as the administrative authority subordinated to the Sunni clerics, is unique to the Sunni Endowment Institution. In the summer of 2003, sectarian division led to the Iraqi Ministry of Endowments being structured into three separate endowments for Shiites, Sunnis, and minorities. Since most Shiite mosques and endowments were never under the control of the Iraqi state, the new Sunni endowment retained most of the mosques and resources that were in the custody of the dissolved Ministry of Endowments, while maintaining the same tasks of financing, managing, and supervising the mosques in a manner consistent with the policy of the new state.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">The newly created Sunni Endowment did not adopt Al-Dhari&rsquo;s position of rejecting the political process. Since the endowment is a government institution, naming its president falls within the powers of the &ldquo;Iraqi Governing Council,&rdquo; which in turn granted the right to manage the endowment to the Iraqi Islamic Party, which served as a representative of the global network of the Muslim Brotherhood, and was able to develop its party tools in Iraq during the nineties. The party\'s main leaders were older men who were active in the Muslim Brotherhood movement in pre-Baath Iraq. Despite adopting the ideas of the Muslim Brotherhood, the Iraqi Islamic Party consciously defines itself as independent from the leadership of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt. The party\'s leaders were also convinced that engaging in the US-led political process - or as they called it \"peaceful resistance\" - was a better path for the Sunnis as an alternative to violent rebellion. The Islamic Party appointed Adnan Al-Dulaimi, a university professor, as head of the Sunni Endowment, as he is Islamic and sympathetic to the party&rsquo;s approach.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">Al-Dulaimi has been active since the 1950s within the Muslim Brotherhood movement. Although he was not considered a cleric or jurist, he was well-known in Sunni religious circles. In the 1990s, he fled Iraq to Jordan after he became wanted by the security services as a Brotherhood member. During the same period, he toured the Arab world to collect money for Islamic charitable networks and reach donors through a letter of recommendation from the famous Brotherhood preacher Yusuf al-Qaradawi. This money was used to Islamize Iraqi society in conjunction with the government\'s faith campaign.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">The Association of Muslim Scholars and the Sunni Endowment soon found themselves adopting opposing views and policies. Al-Dari and Al-Dulaimi, who had a friendly relationship before 2003, became rivals. While the Commission called for a boycott of the elections and praised the &ldquo;resistance,&rdquo; Al-Dulaimi was mobilizing public gatherings to encourage Sunni participation in the parliamentary elections, and helped obtain a fatwa from religious scholars opposed to the Dari line, in which they considered joining the army and police a &ldquo;religious duty.&rdquo; But in the end, Al-Dulaimi was dismissed from his position as head of the Sunni Endowment, in July 2005, after his political activity in organizing the Sunnis electorally and opposing the Shiite authority sparked the anger of the Al-Jaafari government, so he was replaced by his deputy, Ahmed Abdel Ghafour Al-Samarrai, in a relatively smooth transition. Al-Samarrai retreated from supporting direct electoral propaganda but continued Al-Dulaimi\'s approach in dealing with the Iraqi state as \"legitimate\" despite its dependence on American military support.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">As the armed conflict escalated, the line of the Association of Muslim Scholars became more hardline, as it refused to condemn the increasing abuses of the Salafi-jihadist rebels, and blamed the bombings that led to the loss of large numbers of civilians on &ldquo;America and Zionist agents.&rdquo; Over time, this led to increasing splits within the ranks of the Sunni community. An arrest warrant was issued against Al-Dari in 2006, forcing him to flee to Jordan. The Sunni Endowment also seized the headquarters of the &ldquo;Association of Muslim Scholars&rdquo; in the Umm Al-Qura Mosque in Baghdad in 2007. Despite this, the Commission continued to issue statements from abroad, while its influence inside Iraq diminished, especially after the death of Harith Al-Dari in Amman in March 2015.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">A complete history of Sunni clerical politics during the post-Saddam period is beyond the scope of this study, but there are three important observations:</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">1) The imams and preachers who worked during the Saddam era were not expelled from service [the de-Baathification procedures], but rather Al-Dulaimi worked to appoint more employees within the Sunni endowment staff.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">2) The dispute between the Association of Muslim Scholars and the Sunni Endowment took place with the greatest possible rhetorical restraint, without resorting to defamation.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">3) Sunni religious leaders were never able to agree on a common political strategy.&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">Third: After the American withdrawal: Towards a Sunni reference?</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">The American withdrawal from Iraq in December 2011 was supposed to be an opportunity for a new beginning for the Sunni religious leadership. With no more foreign troops in the country, the legitimacy of the Iraqi state was widely accepted by Sunnis and even critics of then-Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki. Only a few of the more hardline Baathists and Salafist jihadists in the Islamic State of Iraq (ISI) insisted that the country was under some sort of covert American or Iranian control, despite many reservations about Maliki\'s leadership, most Sunni religious leaders were looking for ways to integrate into, not challenge, the new Iraqi political order.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">The state and the Sunni religious leadership enshrined their shared desire for cooperation or at least respectful coexistence. In the Sunni Endowment Law No. 56 of 2012, which was approved by the Iraqi Council of Representatives in October of that year, it stipulated continued state support for Sunni mosques through the Sunni Endowment reference. It also established a mechanism to ensure the theoretical independence of the endowment from political authority, and restricted the prime minister&rsquo;s authority to choose the Head of the endowment, granted to the &ldquo;Iraqi Jurisprudence Academy for Senior Scholars for Preaching and Fatwa.&rdquo;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">The Iraqi Jurisprudence Council of Senior Scholars for Preaching and Fatwas is the most serious Sunni attempt to implement an idea advocated by Harith al-Dhari since 2003, to create a Sunni entity equivalent to the Shiite authority. Sunni religious leaders talked about the idea of establishing a council of prominent religious scholars in 2007. Only in 2012 did he announce its formation after agreeing on the names. Since the Council aspired to be a Sunni equivalent to the Shiite religious leadership in Najaf, it defined itself in its internal law as &ldquo;an independent legal authority for the Sunnis, like the religious authorities in Iraq, neither governmental nor a civil society organization. It does not need any law or legislation.&rdquo; to establish it.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">The Fiqh Academy has no historical basis for its authority, while the rationale behind its establishment was a political need to create a Sunni authority. The issuance of this law reflects a certain degree of confidence by Iraqi politicians that Sunni religious leaders will no longer undermine the new state and can therefore be trusted to manage their affairs. But ironically, it may have been designed in part to allay Shiite religious leaders\' concerns about their independence from state control. The Sunni Endowment Law No. 56 of 2012 was issued alongside the Shiite Endowment Law No. 57 of 2012, which stipulates that the head of the Shiite Endowments can be appointed &ldquo;by the Council of Ministers after obtaining the approval of the highest religious authority,&rdquo; and he is the Sharia scholar from Najaf scholars accepted by the majority. Shiites in Iraq for imitation. The Shiite endowment [in terms of property] - is a much smaller institution than its Sunni counterpart.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">Most Shiite mosques and educational institutions in Iraq were and still are organized and funded outside state channels. However, the need to respect the independence of the Shiite authority from state control may have necessitated legislative recognition of parallel Sunni independence, although this lacked a corresponding historical precedent. The Fiqh Academy quickly proved unable to fulfill the leadership role it demanded and for which it gained state recognition.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">Fourth: The return of violence and the failure of the Sunni authority</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">An attempt to normalize the loose relationship between the new political regime and Sunni Islam quickly failed. The main reason is the failure of Sunni religious leaders to reach a common political strategy, as well as their tendency to overestimate the strength of the Sunni community. In a parallel sense, these leaders adopted a (demagogic) discourse by proposing unrealistic solutions and proposals.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">An arrest warrant against former Finance Minister Rafie al-Issawi caused the outbreak of widespread popular protests in all Sunni governorates against the [second] government of Nouri al-Maliki in December 2012. The protests derived their energy from the combination of the response of Sunni elites rejecting the arrests of Sunni politicians, in addition to popular Sunni anger. Year on the actions of the Iraqi security forces, which were characterized by launching mass arrests, torturing Sunni men, and sometimes executing malicious arrest warrants in the context of counter-terrorism operations, but they were simply a form of kidnapping and extortion in exchange for corrupt security officers receiving &ldquo;ransoms&rdquo; and bribes in exchange for the release of detainees. Innocent people.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">The protest movement, although peaceful, increased tensions between the Sunni community and the Iraqi government to a dangerous level, and later paved the way for the fall of Fallujah to ISIS fighters in January 2014, and Mosul in June of the same year. There are observations on the course of the Sunni protest movement and the role of religious leaders in it:</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">Almost from the beginning, Sunni religious leaders jumped to the forefront of the protest movement, putting their stamp on its tactics and demands. Friday has become the golden time for protest, and Friday prayers, which are held as gatherings at the city or governorate level in open spaces that include religious sermons with political themes, have become the standard driver of protest. The idea of using Friday prayers as a form of political demonstration may have been borrowed from &ldquo;Sunni revolutionaries&rdquo; in neighboring Syria. In addition to employing a religious ritual as a driving force for the protest, &ldquo;protest gatherings&rdquo; were often given political motivational names, such as, &ldquo;Maliki or Iraq Friday&rdquo;... &ldquo;Iraq Friday is our choice&rdquo;... etc. To support the protest momentum, the Fiqh Council and the religious institution cooperated to close neighborhood mosques on certain &ldquo;Friday&rdquo; days to encourage worshipers to perform prayers at central gatherings and protest sites.&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">Sunni religious leaders, as the most prominent supporters of the protests, bear most of the responsibility for the movement\'s inability to reach an agreement summarizing a set of common demands. The protest wing, led by young Sunni clerics allied with the Islamic Party, was demanding an autonomous Sunni region, similar to the experience of the Kurdistan region. Therefore, it was completely unexpected that a Shiite-led government would agree to establish Sunni autonomy. Despite this, the idea was popular among some segments of Sunni society. As a call, it seemed effective in mobilizing support for the protest movement and placing its leaders at the forefront of the political scene.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">The second wing of the Sunni protest movement, led by older clerics, flatly rejected the idea of establishing an autonomous region, adhering to the option of preserving Iraq\'s territorial integrity, with the belief (albeit mistaken) that Sunnis constitute the country\'s population majority, through which it could eventually be restored. Control of the state through democratic means. Their rhetoric was more divisive than that of Sunni autonomy advocates.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">The main opponent of the movement demanding the formation of a Sunni region was the prominent cleric Abd al-Malik al-Saadi, a scholar born in Anbar who moved to Jordan a few years before the fall of the Baath Party regime. He issued fatwas demanding that Iraqis not participate in the elections because the results were falsified by the Americans. Al-Saadi\'s return in December 2012, to Iraq for the first time since the mid-nineties, was widely welcomed among Sunni protesters, who considered him a spiritual leader of their movement. Therefore, Al-Saadi&rsquo;s speech focused on rejecting the political process formed after 2003, and the necessity of restoring the dissolved Iraqi army.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">In addition to the provocative demand to organize a general population census on a sectarian basis to know the number of Sunni and Shiite citizens; Al-Saadi was convinced that the Sunnis were the largest component in Iraq. During the year 2013, Al-Saadi and the &ldquo;Fiqh Council&rdquo; issued fatwas and competing calls for and against &ldquo;federalism,&rdquo; considering that the formation of new regions and autonomous regions was &ldquo;forbidden by law&rdquo; because it &ldquo;weakens and divides&rdquo; the country. The Fiqh Academy went ahead with holding a conference of clerics in support of implementing federalism, within the framework that Islam allows the establishment of federal autonomous regions, and that the peaceful debate must continue about their suitability for solving the country&rsquo;s problems. The supporters of the Sunni region considered the adoption of the option of supporting federalism a victory for them, and a rebuke to Al-Saadi, who responded with an angry jurisprudential fatwa, in which he considered the call for the formation of a Sunni region &ldquo;forbidden by law&rdquo; and incompatible with Islamic law, raising questions about the legitimacy of the &ldquo;Fiqh Academy&rsquo;s&rdquo; claim to be a Sunni authority: &ldquo;The claim that the statement [the statement of the Fiqh Academy] comes from Iraq&rsquo;s senior scholars... is inaccurate, as many of the senior scholars did not participate... Moreover, the majority of those present at the Sunni regional conference, despite my respect for all of them, cannot be properly described by this term [scholars].</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">The Sunni community\'s lack of a shared political vision led to the protest movement\'s eventual failure. Instead of being a source of unity, Sunni religious leaders actively contributed to deepening divisions and betrayed the idea that the birth of a unified Sunni religious leadership could lead society. While one religious wing was calling for an autonomous region, another wing was denouncing the idea as a \"heresy.\" Al-Saadi suggested at one point that he or his representatives lead negotiations with the government at the Shrine of Imam Askari in Samarra, and his proposal was rejected by the government and Shiite forces. The Sunni clerics\' lack of unified leadership may have been a factor in the Shiite rejection.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">Ultimately, Maliki\'s [second] government worked with a minority of Sunni politicians loyal to him to suppress the protest movement. In November 2013, the Council of Ministers, at the request of Sunni MP Ahmed al-Jubouri, loyal to al-Maliki, ordered the &ldquo;termination of the work&rdquo; of the head of the Sunni Endowment, Ahmed Abdul Ghafour al-Samarrai, and replaced him with his deputy, Mahmoud al-Sumaidaie. Al-Samarrai\'s expulsion was based on allegations of corruption, but the goal was to cut off funding for mosques and imams supporting the protest movement. But by this time, the protests were so popular within the Sunni community &ndash; and had greater support in religious circles &ndash; that they could not be easily suppressed.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">There is no doubt that the &ldquo;Fiqh Academy&rdquo; was upset that its authority under the Sunni Endowment Law was being ignored, but it had no real historical roots that struck deep within the Sunni community, in addition to lacking sufficient effective political influence. On the day that Al-Samarrai was dismissed, the council ordered the closure of all Baghdad mosques for two days. The resolution was framed as part of the broader Sunni protest struggle.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">Most likely, the members of the council realized that the Sunni majority, including the activists of the protest movement, did not see that he had the right to appoint the head of the Sunni Endowment, or that he was the solid rock for which one must die. Two days later, it became clear to the Fiqh Academy that the open closure of Sunni mosques in Baghdad was not a viable strategy, so it changed course, reversed course, and ordered their reopening, &ldquo;in response to calls&rdquo; from politicians and public figures.&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">The Sunni protest movement came to a bloody end in January 2014, when Iraqi security forces attempted to evacuate protest sites in Anbar, while gunmen took control of the city of Fallujah. Abdul Malik Al-Saadi supported the uprising and issued a statement in which he called on the residents of Anbar to &ldquo;defend their faith, their honor, and their land&rdquo; against what he described as &ldquo;occupiers,&rdquo; accusing Al-Maliki of trying to &ldquo;exterminate&rdquo; the Sunnis. In turn, the Fiqh Council issued a somewhat vague and confusing statement, in which it called for the continuation of the Friday protests, and called on the Anbaris to &ldquo;defend themselves, as it is a legal and religious duty.&rdquo; Although Al-Saadi and the Jurisprudence Council did not put aside their differences over Sunni political goals, they agreed to issue religious justifications for violently confronting the army and security forces in Anbar, which represented an actual return to rebellion.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">Not all Sunni Anbaris rushed to take up arms in response to these fatwas. Many of them are still filled with horrific memories of how the rebellion descended into nihilistic violence in the years 2004-2005, and they fear entering a new round of violence and fighting that will end just as badly. Even Sunni politicians sympathetic to the protest movement have realized that religious leaders who unleash violence will never actually be able to control it. The governor of Anbar, Ahmed Al-Dhiyabi, a member of the Islamic Party, undoubtedly spoke to many when he announced in a television speech that he would side with the government, not the religious leaders calling for rebellion in the name of &ldquo;self-defense.&rdquo;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">Fifth: Sunni religious leaders confronting ISIS</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">The violence that erupted in 2014, launched with the enthusiastic approval of many Sunni religious leaders, proved disastrous for the Sunni community. ISIS was one of several factions leading a large-scale Sunni insurgency in Anbar, which used Stalinist-style salami tactics to absorb and destroy armed factions active in Fallujah. By the fall of Mosul in June 2014, it only took a few weeks for the organization to impose its control over that city and other areas from which government forces fled in north-central Iraq.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">Sunni religious leaders were slow to adapt. Two weeks after the fall of Mosul, and just days before the declaration of the &ldquo;establishment of the caliphate&rdquo; on June 30, 2014, Al-Saadi [Abdul Malik] was still publicly insisting that what was happening was a &ldquo;revolution,&rdquo; and that &ldquo;ISIS&rdquo; was just a small and marginal faction, while it was the first The Fiqh Academy&rsquo;s response to the fall of Mosul is to call for &ldquo;disciplined resistance factions and tribal revolutionaries&rdquo; to control security in the Sunni provinces.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">The expectations of the Sunni forces quickly proved incorrect, when the \"Islamic State - ISIS\" declared the establishment of the \"Caliphate\" and began physically liquidating members of the rival Sunni factions, which forced Abdul Malik Al-Saadi to return to Jordan again and continue issuing statements and political positions that put \"ISIS\" in danger. \"And the Shiite Popular Mobilization Forces are on the same page. While the &ldquo;Fiqh Academy&rdquo; continued to carry out its activities from Baghdad, issuing repeated public condemnations of the actions of government forces and militias against the Sunnis, and as a courtesy, it condemned the attacks on the Christians of Mosul later in the year 2014, without directing a clear criticism of ISIS, despite targeting it. Sunni clerics, imams, and preachers of mosques affiliated with the Sunni Endowment.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">Perhaps the silence of the Fiqh Academy regarding condemnation of ISIS&rsquo;s actions is explained by its conviction that the ongoing war in Sunni areas was caused by the policies of the Shiite government, and therefore it is not able to address the situation in those areas. Also, some Sunni clerics have doubts that ISIS is not the real group, believing that it is part of a &ldquo;foreign conspiracy,&rdquo; when the &ldquo;Council&rdquo; alluded to this in a statement condemning the attacks against Christians: &ldquo;Such actions (...) are not in our interest, because there are those who lie in wait for Islam and Muslims, using allegations of violence and fanaticism.&rdquo; To attack and destroy Iraq and displace its people under the pretext of terrorism.&rdquo;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">To confront religious extremism, the Iraqi government resorted once again to appoint a new head of the Sunni Endowment, well-known in religious circles, but politically obedient, so Abdul Latif Al-Humaim was chosen, one of the preachers and supporters of the government&rsquo;s faith campaign in the 1990s, and one of Saddam&rsquo;s praisers who were full of praise and reverence for the personality of the president who embodied It contains Arab and Islamic values, even after the demise of the previous regime. However; In June 2015, Al-Humaim was appointed acting head of the Sunni Endowment by Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi, in flagrant violation of the Sunni Endowment Law, which stipulates that the &ldquo;Fiqh Academy&rdquo; shall name the head of the endowment. Therefore, the &ldquo;Sounding Council&rdquo; considered the appointment &ldquo;illegal,&rdquo; but did not Hamim condemn or call for any kind of protest or disobedience by the Waqf employees against the decision. Despite the dispute with the Prime Minister, the council continued its relationship and meetings with Al-Abadi from time to time.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">Al-Humaim\'s appointment revealed the weakness of the Jurisprudence Council and the absence of real consensus among Sunni clerics. Al-Humaim is a cunning and ambitious man, but he is also a dissident from the traditional Sunni circle. He is wealthy and owns businesses. He continued to exert pressure on Iraqi religious and political circles to win the position of head of the Sunni Endowment, in light of his ability to challenge the &ldquo;Jurisprudence Academy&rdquo; and the strong support he received from dozens of Sunni representatives. Those who promoted that he would present a more moderate tone in Sunni mosque sermons and retreat from the angry &ldquo;Sunni protest&rdquo; rhetoric that accompanied the rise of ISIS. On the other hand, Sunni representatives, siding with the &ldquo;Fiqh Academy,&rdquo; criticized his appointment.&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">Al-Humaim considered the presidency of the Sunni Endowment to be more than just an administrative position, and he went beyond that to meetings with military commanders to encourage them to fight against ISIS. He was appointed head of the reconstruction committee for the city of Ramadi - his birthplace - after its liberation from ISIS in early 2016. He was Al-Hameem&rsquo;s dominance over the reconstruction file in Ramadi could have given it a strong political base that would enable it to challenge the local government in Anbar, which was dominated by the Islamic Party [at the time], but Al-Hemim carried out the task worse than bad, and hastened the return of the displaced in early 2016 to the city. It has not yet been completely cleared of mines and explosive devices. Al-Humaim&rsquo;s fortune and influence were greatly damaged in 2017, due to corruption and mismanagement, especially accusations by some Sunni representatives that he used the endowment funds to pay bribes and rewards to journalists in exchange for broadcasting biased and positive reports about him. He was convicted and sentenced to a suspended prison sentence for misuse of public funds. While his initiative achieved success by imposing the &ldquo;unified sermon&rdquo; policy on the mosques of Mosul after ISIS. Although the Jurisprudence Council did not officially recognize the legitimacy and authority of Al-Hayam over the endowment, it was dealing with it as a fait accompli. In early 2017, the Council and Al-Hayam held a joint meeting with a visiting Azhar delegation.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">Al-Himim worked to politicize the Sunni endowment and make it more loyal to the government, based on his long previous experience in consolidating his relationship with the Baathist authority. It seemed striking how willing the Sunni clerics - and their followers - were to accept the idea that the authority to manage Sunni mosques throughout Iraq would be in the hands of a man. A corrupt person with poor religious qualifications who was convicted of corruption like a wild card. The Iraqi state&rsquo;s recognition of Al-Himim - even under a Shiite-led government - makes his authority legitimate even without any religious cover. This is the point of view of a Sunni politician, who stressed in the summer of 2016 that &ldquo;our reference as Sunnis has always been the state itself.&rdquo;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">Despite this, the Sunni scene is still confused about the meaning of &ldquo;loyalty to Iraq,&rdquo; and this confusion stands as an obstacle to the formation of a unified reference for the Sunni religious leadership. Sunni clerics who fled to the Kurdistan region or neighboring countries - most notably the Mufti of Iraq, Rafi&rsquo; Al-Rifai - continue to call for the establishment of a Sunni autonomous region, despite the decline in the demand&rsquo;s political popularity.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">On the other side stands Mahdi Al-Sumaidaie, a Salafist who was imprisoned by American forces for his role in the rebellion, and who is now politically allied with pro-Iranian Shiite groups, whose bias is justified as support for the discourse of Islamic unity. But at the same time, he has his militia (Ahrar al-Iraq) as part of the Popular Mobilization Forces, where he claims to have thousands of fighters, while the real number is much less. Therefore, the idea of pro-Iranian Sunni Salafism is unlikely to attract the broader spectrum of Iraqi Sunnis.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">The ISIS experience made Sunni religious leaders warier of being drawn into rebellious adventures, but it was also not a decisive factor in uniting their ranks behind a common leader or set of principles, which makes them unable to perform the role similar to the Shiite authority to which they have long aspired to represent and lead society. And in the future; A fragmented, state-dependent Sunni religious leadership is more likely to play a divisive rather than calming role, given the political opportunism demonstrated by Sunni religious leaders in the past, which makes their rhetoric and reactions difficult to predict. The Iraqi state\'s problems with Sunni religious leaders may not be over yet. The Iraqi Sunni experience concludes that the process of creating &ldquo;moderate&rdquo; religious leaders seems arduous and doomed to rapid failure, if it does not enjoy the correct political and social conditions, including within the religious leadership itself.&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\"><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\" style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span style=\"font-size: 12.0pt; font-family: \'Times New Roman\',serif; mso-fareast-font-family: \'Times New Roman\'; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;\">[1]</span></span></span><span style=\"text-align: justify;\"> </span><span style=\"text-align: justify; font-size: 10pt; font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\">&nbsp;Sarah Feuer, </span><a style=\"text-align: justify;\" href=\"https://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/state-islam-battle-against-extremism-emerging-trends-morocco-and-tunisia\"><span style=\"font-size: 10.0pt; font-family: \'Arial\',sans-serif; color: #1155cc;\">State Islam in the Battle against Extremism</span></a><span style=\"text-align: justify; font-size: 10pt; font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\">: Emerging Trends in Morocco and Tunisia, Washington Institute for Near East Policy, June 2016.&nbsp;</span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">By this, the author of the study means religious gatherings and forums with a religious-jurisprudential dimension that engage with the political event, such as the &ldquo;Association of Muslim Scholars&rdquo; or the &ldquo;Iraqi Jurisprudence Academy,&rdquo; for example.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp; Endowment Management Law No. 27 of 1929 [Author&rsquo;s footnote]. This law was repealed by Endowment Management Law No. (107) of 1964 and was later subject to numerous amendments [Translated].</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp; The book The Iraqi Revolution in its Second Year (Baghdad: The Supreme Committee for Celebrating July 14, 1960), p. 367. Instructions for Service in Religious, Charitable, and Administrative Institutions for the Year 1976, The Iraqi Gazette, No. 2563, December 20, 1976, p. 18.&nbsp;</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp; Law of the Great Imam College, Al-Waqa&rsquo;i Al-Iraqiyya, Issue 1820, December 25, 1969. p. 296. Law of the Supreme Islamic Institute for the Preparation of Imams and Preachers No. (98) of 1985, Al-Waqa&rsquo;i Al-Iraqiyya. Issue No. 3080, January 13, 1986. p. 10.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;On the Shia popular religious networks in Iraq, see Yitzhak Nakash, The Shi&rsquo;is of Iraq, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;The low level of religious education and participation among Iraqi Sunnis in the early twentieth century is documented by the memoirs of Adnan al-Dulaimi, who became the first head of Sunni endowments in post-Saddam Iraq. When he was describing his childhood in Anbar in the 1930s, he said that mosques had never been heard of in rural areas and that Friday prayers in major cities were attended only by the elderly. Adnan Muhammad Salman Al-Dulaimi, The Last End: Biography and Memories (Amman: Dar Al-Ma&rsquo;moun, 2012), p. 16.</span></span></p>\r\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><!-- [if !supportFootnotes]--><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span style=\"font-size: 12.0pt; font-family: \'Calibri\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;\">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span> <span style=\"font-size: 10pt; font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\">For details on state support for mosque building and the activities of religious preachers, see Muhammad Sharif Ahmad, &ldquo;Mu&rsquo;assisat al-Awqaf fi al-&lsquo;Iraq,&rdquo; Da&rsquo;wat al-Haq 230 (July&ndash;August 1983), Moroccan.</span></p>\r\n<p class=\"MsoNormal\" dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: justify;\"><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><!-- [if !supportFootnotes]--><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span style=\"font-size: 12.0pt; font-family: \'Calibri\',sans-serif; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;\">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span> <span style=\"font-size: 10pt; font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\">Amatzia Baram, Saddam Husayn and Islam (Washington D.C.: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2014), 268&ndash;269.</span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: justify;\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><!-- [if !supportFootnotes]--><span class=\"MsoFootnoteReference\"><span style=\"font-size: 12.0pt; font-family: \'Times New Roman\',serif; mso-fareast-font-family: \'Times New Roman\'; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;\">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span> <span style=\"font-size: 10pt; font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\">&nbsp;Kanan Makiya, Cruelty, and Silence: War, Tyranny, Uprising and the Arab World (London: W.W. Norton &amp; Company, 1993), 101&ndash;102.</span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Without Borders Program, Al Jazeera Channel, Harith Al-Dhari with Ahmed Mansour: The future of the Sunnis in Iraq and their presence under the American occupation. Aired on February 10, 2004.&nbsp;</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">According to Dhari, &ldquo;Our position on the resistance in Iraq is the position of every Muslim and every patriot... We do not urge people to join the resistance, but we support the resistance.&rdquo; Without Borders Program, Al Jazeera Channel, February 10, 2004.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp; Statement No. (14) on the issue of elections, Association of Muslim Scholars in Iraq, January 2004.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp; Governing Council Resolution No. 29, Transitional Governing Council, August 30, 2003.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp;</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;Same source.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp;</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp; Al-Dulaimi says in his memoirs that the decision to appoint him as head of the Sunni Endowments was handed over to him by the Secretary-General of the party, Mohsen Abdel Hamid, on November 22, 2003. See Al-Dulaimi, Akhir Al-Matafa, p. 159.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp; Announcing the formation of a political bloc that includes all Sunni forces in Iraq, Asharq Al-Awsat newspaper, May 22, 2005.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;Iraqi Sunni scholars permit volunteer service in the army and police, Asharq Al-Awsat, April 2, 2005.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;New head of the Sunni Endowment in Iraq, Asharq Al-Awsat, July 28, 2005.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp; The official spokesman for the Association of Muslim Scholars in Iraq: America is playing the sectarian game, Asharq Al-Awsat, February 11, 2004.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp; Sheikh Harith Al-Dari: I reject mediation while the Maliki government receives its orders from abroad, Al-Riyadh newspaper, November 19, 2006.&nbsp;</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">Sunni Endowment Office Law No. (56) of 2012, Iraqi Gazette, No. 4254, October 15, 2012.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;Sunni Endowment Conference announces the establishment of the Iraqi Scholars Council, Riyadh, April 6, 2007.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">Shiite Endowment Office Law No. 57 of 2012, Iraqi Gazette, No. 4254, October 15, 2012, p. 10.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;Ghaith Abdul-Ahad, &ldquo;Corruption in Iraq: Your son is being tortured... He will die if you do not pay,&rdquo; The Guardian, January 16, 2012.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp; See the paper: Kirk Sowell, The Second Sunni Insurgency in Iraq, Hudson Institute, August 2014.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">Mass demonstrations on &ldquo;Baghdad Sabra&rdquo; Friday, Al Jazeera, February 15, 2013.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;Mosques and mosques in the capital, Baghdad, will be closed the day after tomorrow, Friday, Al-Abbasiya News, March 13, 2013.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;&ldquo;Revolutionary preachers&rdquo; demand a &ldquo;Sunni region&rdquo; and the phrase &ldquo;we govern ourselves by ourselves&rdquo; unites them and divides six provinces, Ishtar Channel, March 5, 2013.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;Al-Sistani and Al-Saadi are symbols of investment in the national option against regionalism, Al-Mada newspaper, January 28, 2013.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;Al-Saadi calls for changing the constitution, holding fair elections, and rebuilding the army, Al-Masalla, March 10, 2013.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;Sheikh Abdul Malik Al-Saadi: I do not recognize the legitimacy of the upcoming elections... and I do not urge anyone to be elected, Asharq Al-Awsat, December 14, 2013.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;Abdul Malik Al-Saadi prohibits the regions in the current Iraqi situation and prohibits calling for them, Katabat website, January 24, 2013.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">The Iraqi Jurisprudence Academy held its first conference on the system of regions, in May 2013.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;Mutahidun stresses the importance of the decisions of the Iraqi Fiqh Academy to approve the draft organization of the regions, Al-Ghad Press, July 4, 2013.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;Abdul Malik Al-Saadi, comment on the statement of the Iraqi Fiqh Academy regarding the regions, July 4, 2013.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;Abdul Malik Al-Saadi, Statement No. (4) regarding the proposal to hold dialogue in Al-Rawda Al-Askari, May 15, 2013.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;Withdrawing Al-Samarrai from his position as head of the Sunni Endowment and assigning Al-Sumaidaie, Al-Sumaria News, November 21, 2013.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;Ahmed Abdel Ghafour Al-Samarrai: Al-Maliki can no longer tolerate me as the head of the Sunni Endowment, Al-Abbasiya News, November 23, 2013.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;Statement by the Iraqi Jurisprudence Academy regarding the closure of mosques in Baghdad, Al-Harak, November 21, 2013.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">The Iraqi Jurisprudence Council decided to suspend the closure of mosques with conditions, Iraqi Jurisprudence Council, November 23, 2013.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;Abdul Malik Al-Saadi, Statement No. (39), Abdul Malik Al-Saadi website, December 30, 2013.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;Statement No. (22) about targeting Anbar Governorate, Iraqi Jurisprudence Academy, December 30, 2013.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;Stalinist-style salami tactics, meaning the violent and non-violent methods and tactics used to dismantle the opposition forces &ldquo;segment by segment&rdquo; from within until they are completely neutralized and eliminated permanently, are somewhat similar to the British &ldquo;divide and rule&rdquo; policy. [The translator].</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">Abdul Malik Al-Saadi, &ldquo;Statement No. 47,&rdquo; June 22, 2014.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;The Fiqh Council, &ldquo;A Reminder Message to Sunni Representatives,&rdquo; June 20, 2014.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;Abdul Malik Al-Saadi, &ldquo;Statement No. 73,&rdquo; about the bombing of the endowment in Balad district, July 8, 2016.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;The typical example of the Fiqh Academy&rsquo;s speech, Statement No. 42 regarding the Diyala massacres, January 28, 2015.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;The Jurisprudence Academy, &ldquo;A Testimony of Right in Solidarity with the Christians of Iraq in general and Mosul in particular,&rdquo; July 21, 2014.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;Director of the Sunni Endowment: ISIS killed 66 clerics in Mosul, Raise Your Voice, July 24, 2017.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;Abdul Latif Al-Humaim: From the call to write the Qur&rsquo;an in Saddam&rsquo;s blood and resist the occupation to the abyss of the political process, Al Arabiya News, March 25, 2016.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;The Fiqh Academy, Statement (48) regarding the appointment of the head of the Sunni Endowment Office, June 24, 2015.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;Al-Abadi to the Jurisprudence Academy: We will hold those responsible for the crime of attacking Adhamiya accountable, the Jurisprudence Academy, May 14, 2015. Also: Al-Abadi to the Jurisprudence Academy: Scholars have a major role in reforming society, the Jurisprudence Academy, January 2, 2015.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">Abdul Latif Al-Humaim: Al-Maliki did not lift the seizure on my money, and senior sheiks nominated me to head the Sunni Endowment, Al-Quds Al-Arabi newspaper, November 27, 2014.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;Parliamentary Endowments: 38 representatives from the Union of Forces agreed to appoint Al-Himim as head of the Sunni Endowment, Al-Ghad Press, June 29, 2015.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;MP Badr Al-Fahal on the &ldquo;Red Line&rdquo; program, Samarra TV, November 27, 2017.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;The Chief of the Bureau visits the Habbaniyah base and praises the courage of Anbar fighters, Sunni Endowment website, October 13, 2015.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;Al-Abadi forms a committee to reconstruct Ramadi after its liberation from ISIS, Asharq Al-Awsat, February 14, 2016.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;Anbaris accuses Al-Hayam of protecting ISIS leaders in Ramadi, Al-Mada newspaper, April 26, 2016.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;&ldquo;Abdul Qahar Al-Samarrai: The Sunni Endowment contracted with satellite channels worth 4 billion dinars, and the Jurisprudence Academy did not approve of the Sharia law,&rdquo; Al-Ghad Press, April 30, 2017.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;Court of Integrity: Al-Hameem was sentenced to one year in prison with a suspended sentence, Iraq News Network, April 16, 2017 [researcher&rsquo;s footnote]. Although Al-Humaim was prosecuted and convicted of corruption, he continued to manage the Sunni Endowment until he was dismissed in August 2018, following widespread corruption in the Endowment Office [translator&rsquo;s footnote].</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;To all members of the Nineveh Endowments on the right side of Mosul, Sunni Endowment website, May 7, 2017.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;The Jurisprudence Academy, President of the Al-Azhar Community, Sheikh of Egyptian Reciters, and Head of the Sunni Endowment Office, hosted by the Iraqi Jurisprudence Academy, January 16, 2017.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;Iraqi Sunnis revive the demand for the region, Asharq Al-Awsat, October 2, 2017.</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\"><span style=\"font-family: Arial, sans-serif;\"><span style=\"font-size: 13.3333px;\">&nbsp; &nbsp;Interview with Mahdi Al-Sumaidaie, Al-Sumaria TV, April 23, 2017.&nbsp;</span></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p style=\"margin: 0in; text-align: justify;\">&nbsp;</p>', 183);
INSERT INTO `kon_training_translations` (`id`, `locale`, `title`, `description`, `content`, `kon_training_id`) VALUES
(350, 'ar', 'فوز حزب من اجل الحرية اليميني المتطرف (بالانتخابات التشريعية الهولندية )', 'تقدير موقف للدكتور خضير الدهلكي', '<p>حقق حزب من اجل الحرية اليميني المتطرّف بزعامة \"غيرت فيلدرز\" الانتخابات التشريعية التي جرت في هولندا الأربعاء الموافق 22 تشرين الثاني 2023، مفاجأة صادمة للأوساط السياسية الاوربية ، عندما تصدر بفوز كبير ترى الأوساط السياسية بأنه يهدّد بإحداث زلزال سياسي ليس في هولندا فحسب بل في أوروبا بأسرها ، وحصل \"حزب الحرية\" اليميني المتطرّف بزعامة فيلدرز على 37 مقعداً من أصل 150 مقعداً يتألف منها مجلس النواب في البرلمان.</p>', 184),
(351, 'en', 'The victory of the far-right Freedom Party (in the Dutch legislative elections)', 'Position assessment by Dr. Khudair Al-Dahli', '<p style=\"text-align: left;\">The far-right Party for Freedom, led by Geert Wilders, achieved the legislative elections that took place in the Netherlands on Wednesday, November 22, 2023, a shocking surprise to European political circles. When it came out with a huge victory, political circles believe that it threatens to cause a political earthquake not only in the Netherlands but in Europe. As a whole, the far-right Freedom Party, led by Wilders, won 37 seats out of the 150 seats that make up the House of Representatives in Parliament.</p>', 184);

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-- --------------------------------------------------------

--
-- Table structure for table `kon_video_translations`
--

CREATE TABLE `kon_video_translations` (
  `id` bigint UNSIGNED NOT NULL,
  `locale` varchar(5) COLLATE utf8mb4_unicode_ci NOT NULL,
  `name` varchar(200) COLLATE utf8mb4_unicode_ci DEFAULT NULL,
  `kon_video_id` bigint UNSIGNED NOT NULL
) ENGINE=InnoDB DEFAULT CHARSET=utf8mb4 COLLATE=utf8mb4_unicode_ci;

--
-- Dumping data for table `kon_video_translations`
--

INSERT INTO `kon_video_translations` (`id`, `locale`, `name`, `kon_video_id`) VALUES
(1, 'ar', 'عبدالرحمن محمد', 1),
(2, 'en', 'Ahmed Bashammakh', 1),
(3, 'ar', 'اسم الفيديو', 4),
(4, 'en', 'name of video', 4),
(5, 'ar', 'الرحة النفسية التى تبحث عنها ♥️ ايات تذهب بك الى عالم الهدوء والسكينة القارئ عبد الباسط عبد الصمد', 3),
(6, 'en', 'Abdelrhman Mohamed', 3),
(11, 'ar', 'ندوة السفير الروسي السيد البروس كوتراشيف بمركز رواق بغداد حول \"الأزمة الروسية الاوكرانية', 6),
(12, 'en', 'Symposium of the Russian Ambassador, Mr. Elbrus Kotrashev, at Rewaq Baghdad Center, on \"The Russian-Ukrainian Crisis\".', 6),
(13, 'ar', 'حفل توقيع كتاب \"تجربة اندونيسيا بمكافحة الارهاب\"للدبلوماسي فاضل الچالي', 7),
(14, 'en', 'Signing ceremony of the book \"Indonesia\'s Experience in Combating Terrorism\" by diplomat Fadel Al-Jali', 7),
(15, 'ar', 'أمسية أدبية للكاتب والمؤلف الاستاذ زهير الجزائري في دار الرواق للحديث عن رحلته مع القلم والفكرة', 8),
(16, 'en', 'A literary evening for the writer and author, Mr. Zuhair Al-Jazaery, at Dar Al-Riwaq, to talk about his journey with the pen and the idea', 8),
(17, 'ar', 'الامن القومي في العراق الملف الرئيس بالعدد التاسع من مجلة \"الرواق \" التي تصدر عن مركز رواق بغداد', 9),
(18, 'en', 'National security in Iraq, the main file in the ninth issue of \"Al-Rewaq\" magazine, which is published by the Baghdad Rewaq Center', 9),
(19, 'ar', 'برومو نتائج الاستطلاع بمناسبة مرور عشرون عام على ذكرى الاحتلال الأمريكي وسقوط النظام السابق', 10),
(20, 'en', 'Promo of the results of the poll on the occasion of the twentieth anniversary of the American occupation and the fall of the former regime', 10),
(21, 'ar', 'الكراس الخاص بأعمال مؤتمر دستور العراق2005،،التقييم وبناء رؤية جديدة', 11),
(22, 'en', 'The pamphlet on the work of the Iraq Constitution Conference 2005, evaluation and building a new vision', 11),
(23, 'ar', 'ضمن سلسلة مركز رواق بغداد للسياسات العامة شخصيات غير جدلية ،،، المعمارية العراقية زها حديد', 12),
(24, 'en', 'Within the series of the Baghdad Rewaq Center for Public Policies,  Non-controversial figures,,, Iraqi architect Zaha Hadid', 12),
(25, 'ar', 'موقف ،،،بين وزارة الاتصالات والقطاع الخاص ،،من يدير الانترنت في العراق !؟', 13),
(26, 'en', 'A position,,,  Between the Ministry of Communications and the private sector,, Who runs the internet in Iraq!?', 13),
(27, 'ar', 'سلسلة رواق بغداد شخصيات غير جدلية العلامة السيد محمد سعيد الحبوبي', 14),
(28, 'en', 'The Rewaq baghdaad series, non-controversial personalities, the scholar, Sayyid Muhammad Saeed Al-Haboubi', 14),
(29, 'ar', 'منبر الرواق الجلسة الحوارية \"القانون الانتخابي في العراق 2023 ،،الإشكالية الحاضرة والحلول الغائبة', 15),
(30, 'en', 'Al-Rewaq platform  The dialogue session \"Electoral Law in Iraq 2023\",, The present problem and the absent solutions', 15),
(31, 'ar', 'بالفديو،،،الجلسة الحوارية التي اقامها مركز رواق بغداد للدكتور سعد سلوم', 16),
(32, 'en', 'In the video,,, the dialogue session held by the Baghdad Rewaq Center for Dr. Saad Salloum', 16),
(33, 'ar', 'برومو ،،،،لأهم إصدارات دار الرواق حديثا ،،كتاب النجف والفاتيكان ،،تراث قديم وروح جديدة\"', 17),
(34, 'en', 'Promo,,,, of the most important recent publications of Dar Al-Rewaq, The Book of Najaf and the Vatican, An Ancient Heritage and a New Spirit', 17),
(35, 'ar', 'ضمن سلسلة رواق بغداد شخصيات غير جدلية،، الدكتور عناد غزوان ،،،أكاديميًا وناقدا وموسوعيا', 18),
(36, 'en', 'Within the Baghdad Rewaq series, Non-Dialectical Personalities, Dr. Inad Ghazwan, an academic, critic and encyclopedia', 18),
(37, 'ar', 'تقرير عن الجلسة الحوارية التي أقامها مركز رواق بغداد حول تأثيرات بطولة خليجي البصرة 25', 19),
(38, 'en', 'A report on the dialogue session held by the Rewaq baghdad Center on the effects of the Basra Gulf Championship', 19),
(39, 'ar', 'ندوة كتاب الرقابة البرلمانية على الحكومات المحلية الرابع', 20),
(40, 'en', 'Symposium Book Parliamentary Oversight on Local Governments IV', 20),
(41, 'ar', 'ندوة كتاب الرقابة البرلمانية على الحكومات المحلية الخامس', 21),
(42, 'en', 'Symposium Book Parliamentary Oversight on Local Governments V', 21),
(43, 'ar', 'ندوة كتاب الرقابة البرلمانية على الحكومات المحلية البارت الثاني', 22),
(44, 'en', 'Symposium book Parliamentary oversight of local governments Part II', 22),
(45, 'ar', 'ندوة كتاب الرقابة البرلمانية على الحكومات المحلية البارت الاول', 23),
(46, 'en', 'Symposium on parliamentary oversight of local governments, the first part', 23),
(47, 'ar', 'ندوة كتاب الرقابة البرلمانية على الحكومات المحلية السادس', 24),
(48, 'en', 'Symposium Book Parliamentary Oversight on Local Governments VI', 24),
(49, 'ar', 'ندوة كتاب الرقابة البرلمانية على الحكومات المحلية الثالث', 25),
(50, 'en', 'Symposium Book Parliamentary Oversight on Local Governments III', 25),
(51, 'ar', 'ضمن سلسلة مركز رواق بغداد ،،،شخصيات غير جدلية ،،الرسام والنحات العراقي الشهير جواد سليم', 26),
(52, 'en', 'Within the Rewaq baghdad Center series, Non-Dialectical Figures, the famous Iraqi painter and sculptor Jawad Selim', 26),
(53, 'ar', 'الجلسة التي أقامها مركز رواق بغداد حول تأثيرات بطولة خليجي البصرة 25 السياسية والاجتماعية والثقافية', 27),
(54, 'en', 'The session held by Riwaq Baghdad Center on the political, social and cultural effects of the Basra Gulf Championship 25', 27),
(55, 'ar', 'برومو ندوة كتاب الرقابة البرلمانية على الحكومات المحلية', 28),
(56, 'en', 'Promo symposium book parliamentary oversight of local governments', 28),
(57, 'ar', 'برومو الجلسة الحوارية التي أقامها مركز رواق بغدادحول تأثيرات بطولة خليجي البصرة 25', 29),
(58, 'en', 'Promo of the dialogue session held by Riwaq Baghdad Center on the effects of the 25th Basra Gulf Championship', 29),
(59, 'ar', 'ندوة التنمية المستدامة و الصناديق السيادية الجزء الاول 1', 30),
(60, 'en', 'Seminar on sustainable development and sovereign funds, part one 1', 30),
(61, 'ar', 'ندوة التنمية المستدامة و الصناديق السيادية الجزء الثاني', 31),
(62, 'en', 'Symposium on sustainable development and sovereign funds, part two', 31),
(63, 'ar', 'ندوة التنمية المستدامة و الصناديق السيادية الجزء الثالث', 32),
(64, 'en', 'Symposium on sustainable development and sovereign funds, part three', 32),
(65, 'ar', 'ندوة التنمية المستدامة و الصناديق السيادية الجزء الرابع', 33),
(66, 'en', 'Symposium on sustainable development and sovereign funds, part four', 33),
(67, 'ar', 'ندوة التنمية المستدامة و الصناديق السيادية الجزء الخامس', 34),
(68, 'en', 'ندوة التنمية المستدامة و الصناديق السيادية الجزء الخامس', 34),
(69, 'ar', 'ندوة التنمية المستدامة و الصناديق السيادية الجزء السادس', 35),
(70, 'en', 'Symposium on sustainable development and sovereign funds, Part six', 35),
(71, 'ar', 'دار ومكتبة الرواق🔵المنجز والبدايات والمشاريع🔵عطاء ثرّ وتواصل دائم', 36),
(72, 'en', 'Al-Rewaq Library and House 🔵 Achievements, beginnings and projects 🔵 Rich giving and constant communication', 36),
(73, 'ar', 'محمد مهدي الجواهري شخصيات غير جدلية', 37),
(74, 'en', 'Muhammad Mahdi Al-Jawahiry personalities are not dialectical', 37),
(75, 'ar', 'ضمن سلسلة الرواق ،،،شخصيات غير جدلية الاديب والشاعر والصحافي النجفي محمد جواد الغبان', 38),
(76, 'en', 'Within the Al-Rewaq series, non-controversial personalities, the Najafi writer, poet and journalist Muhammad Jawad Al-Ghabban', 38),
(77, 'ar', 'الشيخ صدام العطواني /مؤتمر دستور العراق', 39),
(78, 'en', 'Sheikh Saddam Al-Atwani / Iraq Constitution Conference', 39),
(79, 'ar', 'Sheikh Amer al-Bayati / Iraq Constitution Conference', 40),
(80, 'en', 'Sheikh Amer al-Bayati / Iraq Constitution Conference', 40),
(81, 'ar', 'المستشار زيد العلي / مؤتمر دستور العلي', 41),
(82, 'en', 'Chancellor Zaid Al-Ali / Iraq Constitution Conference', 41),
(83, 'ar', 'الدكتور عدنان عاجل / مؤتمر دستور العراق', 42),
(84, 'en', 'Dr. Adnan Urgent / Iraq Constitution Conference', 42),
(85, 'ar', 'الدكتور عباس ضاهر / مؤتمر دستور العراق', 43),
(86, 'en', 'Dr. Abbas Daher / Iraq Constitution Conference', 43),
(87, 'ar', 'الباحثة اللبنانية سحر حمود / مؤتمر دستور العراق', 44),
(88, 'en', 'Lebanese researcher Sahar Hammoud / Iraq Constitution Conference', 44),
(89, 'ar', 'علاء الركابي / مؤتمر دستور العراق', 45),
(90, 'en', 'Alaa Al-Rikabi / Iraq Constitution Conference', 45),
(91, 'ar', 'صلاح العرباوي / مؤتمر دستور العراق', 46),
(92, 'en', 'Salah Al-Arabawi / Iraq Constitution Conference', 46),
(93, 'ar', 'النائب حسين عرب / مؤتمر دستور العراق', 47),
(94, 'en', 'Representative Hussein Arab / Iraq Constitution Conference', 47),
(95, 'ar', 'عباس البياتي / مؤتمر دستور العراق', 48),
(96, 'en', 'Abbas Al-Bayati / Iraq Constitution Conference', 48),
(97, 'ar', 'سهيلة السلطاني / مؤتمر دستور العراق', 49),
(98, 'en', 'Suhaila Al-Sultani / Iraq Constitution Conference', 49),
(99, 'ar', 'الا الطالباني / مؤتمر دستور العراق', 50),
(100, 'en', 'alla Talabani / Iraq Constitution Conference', 50),
(101, 'ar', 'النائب مهدية اللامي / مؤتمر دستور العراق', 51),
(102, 'en', 'MP Mahdia Al-Lami / Iraq Constitution Conference', 51),
(103, 'ar', 'الشيخ الدكتور همام حمودي /مؤتمر رواق بغداد', 52),
(104, 'en', 'Sheikh Dr. Hammam Hamoudi / Baghdad Riwaq Conference', 52),
(105, 'ar', 'النائب ارشد الصالحي / مؤتمر دستور العراق', 53),
(106, 'en', 'Representative Arshad Al-Salihi / Iraq Constitution Conference', 53),
(107, 'ar', 'النائب علاء الركابي / مؤتمر دستور العراق', 54),
(108, 'en', 'Representative Alaa Al-Rikabi / Iraq Constitution Conference', 54),
(109, 'ar', 'النائب محمد جاسم الخفاجي / مؤتمر دستور العراق', 55),
(110, 'en', 'Representative Muhammad Jassim Al-Khafaji / Iraq Constitution Conference', 55),
(111, 'ar', 'صلاح العرباوي / مؤتمر دستور العراق', 56),
(112, 'en', 'Salah Al-Arabawi / Iraq Constitution Conference', 56),
(113, 'ar', 'النائب سروه عبد الواحد / مؤتمر دستور العراق', 57),
(114, 'en', 'Representative Sarwa Abdul Wahid / Iraq Constitution Conference', 57),
(115, 'ar', 'وائل منذر / مؤتمر دستور العراق', 58),
(116, 'en', 'Wael Munther / Iraq Constitution Conference', 58),
(117, 'ar', 'عمار الفتلاوي / مؤتمر دستور العراق', 59),
(118, 'en', 'Ammar Al-Fatlawi / Iraq Constitution Conference', 59),
(119, 'ar', 'الهام مكي / مؤتمر دستور العراق', 60),
(120, 'en', 'Elham Makki / Iraq Constitution Conference', 60),
(121, 'ar', 'عباس الشريفي /مؤتمر دستور العراق', 61),
(122, 'en', 'Abbas Al-Sharifi / Iraq Constitution Conference', 61),
(123, 'ar', 'سعد سلوم / مؤتمر دستور العراق', 62),
(124, 'en', 'Saad Salloum / Iraq Constitution Conference', 62),
(125, 'ar', 'ميادة الحجامي / مؤتمر دستور العراق', 63),
(126, 'en', 'Mayada Al-Hijami / Iraq Constitution Conference', 63),
(127, 'ar', 'صائب خدر / مؤتمر دستور العراق', 64),
(128, 'en', 'Saeb Khader / Iraq Constitution Conference', 64),
(129, 'ar', 'ارواء فخري /مؤتمر دستور العراق', 65),
(130, 'en', 'Irwaa Fakhri / Iraq Constitution Conference', 65),
(131, 'ar', 'عدنان عبد الحسين / موتمر دستور العراق', 66),
(132, 'en', 'Adnan Abdul-Hussein / Iraq Constitution Conference', 66),
(133, 'ar', 'عدنان عاجل/مؤتمر دستور العراق', 67),
(134, 'en', 'Adnan agel / Iraq Constitution Conference', 67),
(135, 'ar', 'نتائج استطلاعات الرأي | مؤتمر دستور العراق', 68),
(136, 'en', 'Results of opinion polls | Iraq Constitution Conference', 68),
(137, 'ar', 'د. علي الشكري الدستور كتب في ٤٨ يوم فقط', 69),
(138, 'en', 'Dr.. Ali Shukri, the constitution was written in only 48 days', 69),
(139, 'ar', 'الشيخ همام حمودي الكتلة الاكبر هي الفائزة في الانتخابات | مؤتمر دستور العراق', 70),
(140, 'en', 'Sheikh Hammam Hamoudi, the largest bloc, is the winner of the elections | Iraq Constitution Conference', 70),
(141, 'ar', 'آلا طالباني \"إعادة النظر في الدستور هي من مطالب حراك تشرين\" | مؤتمر دستور العراق', 71),
(142, 'en', 'Alla Talabani, \"Reconsidering the Constitution is One of the Demands of the October Movement\" | Iraq Constitution Conference', 71),
(143, 'ar', 'ارشد الصالحي \"نحتاج إلى شعب واعي يدرك ما يريد فهو مصدر السلطات\" | مؤتمر دستور العراق', 72),
(144, 'en', 'Arshad Al-Salihi \"We need a conscious people who understand what they want, as they are the source of authority\" | Iraq Constitution Conference', 72),
(145, 'ar', 'سلمان الجميلي \"هناك حاجة كبيرة جداً لتعديل الدستور والجميع متفقون على ذلك\" | مؤتمر دستور العراق', 73),
(146, 'en', 'Salman Al-Jumaili \"There is a very great need to amend the constitution and everyone agrees on that\" | Iraq Constitution Conference', 73),
(147, 'ar', 'النائب مهدية اللامي \"الدستور كتب في ظروف تختلف تماماً عن الظروف الحالية\" | مؤتمر دستور العراق', 74),
(148, 'en', 'MP Mahdia al-Lami, \"The constitution was written in circumstances that are completely different from the current circumstances.\" | Iraq Constitution Conference', 74),
(149, 'ar', 'فعاليات اليوم الثاني | مؤتمر دستور العراق', 75),
(150, 'en', 'The activities of the second day | Iraq Constitution Conference', 75),
(151, 'ar', 'فعاليات مؤتمر دستور العراق', 76),
(152, 'en', 'Activities of the Iraq Constitution Conference', 76),
(153, 'ar', 'مؤتمر دستور العراق', 77),
(154, 'en', 'Iraq Constitution Conference', 77),
(155, 'ar', 'قريباً في بغداد وللفترة من 16-17 كانون الاول( ديسمبر)', 78),
(156, 'en', 'Soon in Baghdad and for the period from 16-17 December', 78),
(157, 'ar', 'ندوة التغيرات المناخية وأثرها على العراق البارت الاول', 79),
(158, 'en', 'A symposium on climate change and its impact on Iraq, the first part', 79),
(159, 'ar', 'ندوة التغيرات المناخية وأثرها على العراق البارت الثاني', 80),
(160, 'en', 'Seminar on climate change and its impact on Iraq, Part II', 80),
(161, 'ar', 'ندوة التغيرات المناخية وأثرها على العراق البارت الثالث', 81),
(162, 'en', 'Symposium on climate change and its impact on Iraq, the third part', 81),
(163, 'ar', 'ندوة التغيرات المناخية وأثرها على العراق البارت الرابع', 82),
(164, 'en', 'Seminar on climate change and its impact on Iraq, Part IV', 82),
(165, 'ar', 'ندوة التغيرات المناخية وأثرها على العراق البارت الخامس', 83),
(166, 'en', 'Symposium on climate change and its impact on Iraq, Part V', 83),
(167, 'ar', 'قريباً في بغداد', 84),
(168, 'en', 'Soon in Baghdad', 84),
(169, 'ar', 'الندوة الحوارية التي اقامها مركز رواق بغداد حول\" التغييرات المناخية وأثرها على العراق\"', 85),
(170, 'en', 'The symposium held by Rewaq Baghdad Center on \"Climate Changes and their Impact on Iraq\"', 85),
(171, 'ar', 'ندوة كتاب ايفين البارت الاول', 86),
(172, 'en', 'eyvin book seminar Part 1', 86),
(173, 'ar', 'ندوة كتاب ايفين البارت الثاني', 87),
(174, 'en', 'eyvin book seminar part 2', 87),
(175, 'ar', 'ندوة كتاب ايفين البارت الثالث', 88),
(176, 'en', 'eyvin book seminar part 3', 88),
(177, 'ar', 'ندوة كتاب ايفين البارت الرابع', 89),
(178, 'en', 'eyvin book seminar part 4', 89),
(179, 'ar', 'ندوة كتاب ايفين البارت الخامس', 90),
(180, 'en', 'eyvin book seminar Part 5', 90),
(181, 'ar', 'مشروع مستقبل الثقافة في العراق', 91),
(182, 'en', 'Project for the future of culture in Iraq', 91),
(183, 'ar', 'تظاهرات تشرين العراقية', 92),
(184, 'en', 'Iraqi October demonstrations', 92),
(185, 'ar', 'كيف يتم تحديد سعر الصرف في العراق', 93),
(186, 'en', 'How is the exchange rate determined in Iraq?', 93),
(187, 'ar', 'نتائج الاستطلاع الذي أجراه قسم أستطلاعات الرأي بمركز رواق بغداد', 94),
(188, 'en', 'The results of the poll conducted by the Department of Opinion Polls, Rewaq Baghdad Center', 94),
(189, 'ar', 'معوقات التحول نحو الاقتصاد الرقمي (أيرثلنك)أنموذجا', 95),
(190, 'en', 'Obstacles to the transition towards the digital economy (Earthlink) as a model', 95),
(191, 'ar', 'النظام البرلماني في العراق الواقع والطموح ،،،رؤى في أمكانية الاصلاح الجلسة الاولى', 96),
(192, 'en', 'The parliamentary system in Iraq, reality and ambition, visions of the possibility of reform, the first session', 96),
(193, 'ar', 'أقام مركز رواق بغداد الندوة الحوارية السابعة الخاصة بتقييم أداء الدستور العراقي 2005', 97),
(194, 'en', 'Rewaq Baghdad Center held the seventh symposium on evaluating the performance of the Iraqi constitution 2005', 97),
(195, 'ar', 'ندوة الانتخابات التشريعية الايطالية البارت الاول', 98),
(196, 'en', 'Symposium Italian legislative elections Part 1', 98),
(197, 'ar', 'ندوة الانتخابات التشريعية الايطالية البارت الثاني', 99),
(198, 'en', 'Symposium Italian legislative elections Part 2', 99),
(199, 'ar', 'ندوة الانتخابات التشريعية الايطالية البارت الثالث', 100),
(200, 'en', 'Symposium Italian legislative elections Part 3', 100),
(201, 'ar', 'ندوة الانتخابات التشريعية الايطالية البارت الرابع', 101),
(202, 'en', 'Symposium Italian legislative elections Part 4', 101),
(203, 'ar', 'ندوة الانتخابات التشريعية الايطالية البارت الخامس', 102),
(204, 'en', 'Symposium Italian legislative elections Part 5', 102),
(205, 'ar', 'ندوة الانتخابات التشريعية الايطالية البارت السادس', 103),
(206, 'en', 'Symposium Italian legislative elections Part 6', 103),
(207, 'ar', 'جانب من الحلقة النقاشية التي اقامها مركز رواق بغداد بعنوان \"الانتخابات التشريعية في ايطاليا', 104),
(208, 'en', 'Part of the panel discussion held by Rثwaq Baghdad Center entitled \"Legislative Elections in Italy\".', 104),
(209, 'ar', 'ندوة كتاب الفكر العراقي البارت الاول', 105),
(210, 'en', 'iraqi thought book seminar part 1', 105),
(211, 'ar', 'ندوة كتاب الفكر العراقي البارت الثاني', 106),
(212, 'en', 'iraqi thought book seminar part 2', 106),
(213, 'ar', 'ندوة كتاب الفكر العراقي البارت الثالث', 107),
(214, 'en', 'iraqi thought book seminar part 3', 107),
(215, 'ar', 'ندوة كتاب الفكر العراقي البارت الرابع', 108),
(216, 'en', 'iraqi thought book seminar part 4', 108),
(217, 'ar', 'ندوة كتاب الفكر العراقي البارت الخامس', 109),
(218, 'en', 'iraqi thought book seminar part 5', 109),
(219, 'ar', 'ندوة كتاب الفكر العراقي البارت السادس', 110),
(220, 'en', 'iraqi thought book seminar part 6', 110),
(221, 'ar', 'ندوة كتاب الفكر العراقي البارت السابع', 111),
(222, 'en', 'iraqi thought book seminar part 7', 111),
(223, 'ar', 'برنامج المنتدى الحواري خريطة طريق لبلورة استراتيجية وطنية لمناهضة البارت الاول', 112),
(224, 'en', 'the dialouge fourm program is a road map for developing a national strategy to combat  part 1', 112),
(225, 'ar', 'برنامج المنتدى الحواري خريطة طريق لبلورة استراتيجية وطنية لمناهضة البارت الثاني', 113),
(226, 'en', 'the dialouge fourm program is a road map for developing a national strategy to combat  part 2', 113),
(227, 'ar', 'برنامج المنتدى الحواري خريطة طريق لبلورة استراتيجية وطنية لمناهضة البارت الثالث', 114),
(228, 'en', 'the dialouge fourm program is a road map for developing a national strategy to combat  part 3', 114),
(229, 'ar', 'برنامج المنتدى الحواري خريطة طريق لبلورة استراتيجية وطنية لمناهضة البارت الرابع', 115),
(230, 'en', 'the dialouge fourm program is a road map for developing a national strategy to combat  part 4', 115),
(231, 'ar', 'برنامج المنتدى الحواري خريطة طريق لبلورة استراتيجية وطنية لمناهضة البارت السادس', 116),
(232, 'en', 'the dialouge fourm program is a road map for developing a national strategy to combat  part 6', 116),
(233, 'ar', 'برنامج المنتدى الحواري خريطة طريق لبلورة استراتيجية وطنية لمناهضة البارت السابع', 117),
(234, 'en', 'the dialouge fourm program is a road map for developing a national strategy to combat  part 7', 117),
(235, 'ar', 'الحلقة النقاشية التي اقامها مركز رواق بغداد احتفاءً بالكاتب والمفكر الدكتور صائب عبد الحميد', 118),
(236, 'en', 'The panel discussion held by the rewaq baghdad Center to celebrate the writer and thinker Dr. Saeb Abdel Hamid', 118),
(237, 'ar', 'الحلقة النقاشية التي اقامها مركز رواق بغداد احتفاءً بالكاتب والمفكر الدكتور صائب عبد الحميد', 119),
(238, 'en', 'The panel discussion held by Rewaq baghdad Center to celebrate the writer and thinker Dr. Saeb Abdel Hamid', 119),
(239, 'ar', 'صدر عن مركز رواق بغداد العدد ال( 8)ثامن', 120),
(240, 'en', 'published by the Rewaq baghdad Center, eighth  (8)', 120),
(241, 'ar', 'سلسلة_الرواق #شخصيات _غير_ جدلية الشيخ جلال الدين الحنفي', 121),
(242, 'en', 'Al-Rewaq series #non-controversial personalities, Sheikh Jalal Al-Din Al-Hanafi', 121),
(243, 'ar', 'سلسلة شخصيات عراقية غير جدلية ،،،تعرفوا عليها عن قرب \"حقي الشبلي\"', 122),
(244, 'en', 'A series of non-controversial Iraqi personalities, get to know them closely, \"Haqqi Al-Shibli\"', 122),
(245, 'ar', 'رواق بغداد | شُح المياه في العراق… الهلاك القادم…', 123),
(246, 'en', 'Baghdad Gallery | Water scarcity in Iraq... the coming doom...', 123),
(247, 'ar', 'قصتان و صلاتان البارت السابع', 124),
(248, 'en', 'Two stories and two prayers, Part 7', 124),
(249, 'ar', 'قصتان و صلاتان البارت السادس', 125),
(250, 'en', 'Two stories and two prayers, Part 6', 125),
(251, 'ar', 'قصتان و صلاتان البارت الخامس', 126),
(252, 'en', 'Two stories and two prayers, Part 5', 126),
(253, 'ar', 'قصتان و صلاتان البارت الرابع', 127),
(254, 'en', 'Two stories and two prayers, Part 4', 127),
(255, 'ar', 'قصتان و صلاتان البارت الثالث', 128),
(256, 'en', 'Two stories and two prayers, Part 3', 128),
(257, 'ar', 'قصتان و صلاتان البارت الثاني', 129),
(258, 'en', 'Two stories and two prayers, Part 2', 129),
(259, 'ar', 'قصتان و صلاتان البارت الاول', 130),
(260, 'en', 'Two stories and two prayers, Part 1', 130),
(261, 'ar', 'نتائج أستطلاع الرأي الذي أجراه قسم الاستطلاعات بمركز رواق بغداد للسياسات العامة', 131),
(262, 'en', 'The results of the opinion poll conducted by the Polls Department at Rewaq baghdad Center for Public Policies', 131),
(263, 'ar', 'رواق بغداد | ملوك العراق الثلاثة', 132),
(264, 'en', 'Baghdad Gallery | The three kings of Iraq', 132),
(265, 'ar', 'الورشة تأتي ضمن مشروع إعادة النظر بالاطار الدستوري العراقي لدستور 2005', 133),
(266, 'en', 'The workshop comes within the project of reviewing the Iraqi constitutional framework for a constitution 2005', 133),
(267, 'ar', 'جانب من الحلقة النقاشية التي أقامها مركز رواق بغداد عن كتاب \"قصتان وصلاتان\"', 134),
(268, 'en', 'Part of the panel discussion held by Rewaq Baghdad Center on the book \"Two Stories and Two Prayers\"', 134),
(269, 'ar', '\"مقتدى الصدر ...اللغز المحير ؟\"', 135),
(270, 'en', '\"Muqtada al-Sadr ... the puzzle?\"', 135),
(271, 'ar', 'ورشة حوار المكونات التي عقدت بمركز رواق بغداد مؤخراً بالشراكة مع مؤسسة IDEA الدولية', 136),
(272, 'en', 'Components Dialogue Workshop held recently at Rewaq Baghdad Center in partnership with IDEA International', 136),
(273, 'ar', 'المنتدى الحواري الأول الخاص بإعلان أستراتيجية وطنية لمناهضة الإبادة الجماعية الذي عقد برواق بغداد', 137),
(274, 'en', 'The first dialogue forum on declaring a national strategy to combat genocide, which was held in rewaq baghdad', 137),
(275, 'ar', 'برومو،،،مستل من تقدير موقف قانون الدعم الطارئ للأمن الغذائي والتنمية للدكتور كامل علاوي', 138),
(276, 'en', 'Promo,,, drawn from the appreciation of the position of the Law of Emergency Support for Food Security and Development by Dr. Kamel Allawi', 138),
(277, 'ar', 'جانب من توقيع مذكرة التفاهم والشراكة ما بين مركز رواق بغداد ومركز تريندز للبحوث والاستشارات', 139),
(278, 'en', 'Part of the signing of the memorandum of understanding and partnership between the Baghdad Rewaq baghdad Center and the Trends Center for Research and Consulting', 139),
(279, 'ar', 'تقرير قناة آفاق الفضائية عن منتدى مناهضة الإبادة الجماعية الذي اقامه مركز رواق بغداد', 140),
(280, 'en', 'Afaq TV report on the anti-genocide forum held by Rewaq baghdad Center', 140),
(281, 'ar', 'أستطلاع الرواق ،لمعرفة آراء المواطنين حول أمكانية إعادة الأنتخابات', 141),
(282, 'en', 'Al-Rewaq poll, to find out the opinions of citizens about the possibility of re-election', 141),
(283, 'ar', 'مشاركة مركز رواق بغداد بمؤتمر مواجهة التطرف الذي أقامه مركز سلام لدراسات التطرف', 142),
(284, 'en', 'The participation of Rewaq baghdad Center in the conference on countering extremism, which was held by the Salam Center for Extremism Studies', 142),
(285, 'ar', 'برومو لورقة \"تقدير موقف \" حول \"ملف العلاقات السعودية_الايرانيةتقارب وشيك،ام استمرار المقاطعة؟', 143),
(286, 'en', 'Promo for the paper \"A Position Assessment\" on \"The File of Saudi-Iranian Relations\", an imminent rapprochement, or a continuation of the boycott?', 143),
(287, 'ar', 'الحلقة النقاشية التي اقامها مركز رواق بغداد للسياسات العامة بالتعاون مع السفارة الكورية ببغداد', 144),
(288, 'en', 'The panel discussion held by rewaq baghdad Center for Public Policies in cooperation with the Korean Embassy in Baghdad', 144),
(289, 'ar', 'صدر عن دار الرواق للنشر والتوزيع كتاب العراق من الحرب الى السلطوية الجديدة تأليف توبي دوج', 145),
(290, 'en', 'The Iraq book, from War to New Authoritarianism, was published by Dar Al-Rewaq for Publishing and Distribution, written by Toby Dogg', 145),
(291, 'ar', 'سلسلة شخصيات عراقية غير جدلية تعرفو عليها عن قرب المعماري رفعت الجادرجي', 146),
(292, 'en', 'A series of non-controversial Iraqi personalities, get to know them closely, the architect Rifaat Chadirji', 146),
(293, 'ar', 'سلسلة شخصيات عراقية غير جدلية،،،تعرفوا عليها عن قرب\'الشيخ مهدي المخزومي', 147),
(294, 'en', 'A series of non-controversial Iraqi personalities, get to know them closely, Sheikh Mahdi Al-Makhzoumi', 147),
(295, 'ar', 'سلسلة شخصيات عراقية غير جدلية،،،تعرفوا عليها عن قرب\'العلامة الدكتور حسين علي محفوظ', 148),
(296, 'en', 'A series of non-controversial Iraqi figures, get to know them closely, the scholar Dr. Hussein Ali Mahfouz', 148),
(297, 'ar', 'صدر حديثا عن دار الرواق للنشر والتوزيع كتاب \"احتجاجات تشرين تنوع الرؤى وجدليات التغيير\"', 149),
(298, 'en', 'Recently published by Al-Rewaq House for Publishing and Distribution, the book \"October Protests: Diversity of Visions and Dialectics of Change\"', 149),
(299, 'ar', 'تبنى مركز رواق بغداد للسياسات العامة رؤية شاملة تتناول جميع الجوانب الإدارية والفنية والعمرانية', 150),
(300, 'en', 'rewaq baghdad Center for Public Policy adopted a comprehensive vision that deals with all administrative, technical and urban aspects', 150),
(301, 'ar', 'حلقة نقاشية حول تحديات الاستثمار الكوري في العراق الجزء الاول', 151),
(302, 'en', 'A panel discussion on the challenges of Korean investment in Iraq, part 1', 151),
(303, 'ar', 'حلقة نقاشية حول تحديات الاستثمار الكوري في العراق الجزء الثاني', 152),
(304, 'en', 'A panel discussion on the challenges of Korean investment in Iraq, part 2', 152),
(305, 'ar', 'حلقة نقاشية حول تحديات الاستثمار الكوري في العراق الجزء الثالث', 153),
(306, 'en', 'A panel discussion on the challenges of Korean investment in Iraq, part 3', 153),
(307, 'ar', 'حلقة نقاشية حول تحديات الاستثمار الكوري في العراق الجزء الرابع', 154),
(308, 'en', 'A panel discussion on the challenges of Korean investment in Iraq, part 4', 154),
(309, 'ar', 'حلقة نقاشية حول تحديات الاستثمار الكوري في العراق الجزء 5', 155),
(310, 'en', 'A panel discussion on the challenges of Korean investment in Iraq, part 5', 155),
(311, 'ar', 'حلقة نقاشية حول تحديات الاستثمار الكوري في العراق الجزء 6', 156),
(312, 'en', 'A panel discussion on the challenges of Korean investment in Iraq, part 6', 156),
(313, 'ar', 'حلقة نقاشية حول تحديات الاستثمار الكوري في العراق الجزء السابع', 157),
(314, 'en', 'A panel discussion on the challenges of Korean investment in Iraq, part 7', 157),
(315, 'ar', 'حلقة نقاشية حول تحديات الاستثمار الكوري في العراق الجزء الثامن', 158),
(316, 'en', 'A panel discussion on the challenges of Korean investment in Iraq, part 8', 158),
(317, 'ar', 'حلقة نقاشية حول تحديات الاستثمار الكوري في العراق الجزء 9', 159),
(318, 'en', 'A panel discussion on the challenges of Korean investment in Iraq, part 9', 159),
(319, 'ar', 'حلقة نقاشية حول تحديات الاستثمار الكوري في العراق الجزء العاشر', 160),
(320, 'en', 'A panel discussion on the challenges of Korean investment in Iraq, part 10', 160),
(321, 'ar', 'الورشة التدريبية لموظفي دائرة التشريع النيابية', 161),
(322, 'en', 'Training workshop for employees of the Parliamentary Legislation Department', 161),
(323, 'ar', '\"فديو الورشة التدريبية التي اقامها مركز رواق بغداد لموظفي دائرة التشريع النيابية مؤخرا\"', 162),
(324, 'en', '\"Video of the training workshop recently held by Rewaq baghdad Center for the employees of the Parliamentary Legislation Department\"', 162),
(325, 'ar', 'رواق بغداد : ندوة الأهمية الجيوستراتيجية لموقع العراق - الجزء الأول', 163),
(326, 'en', 'rewaq Baghdad : Seminar on the Geostrategic Importance of the Iraq Site - Part 1', 163),
(327, 'ar', 'رواق بغداد : ندوة الأهمية الجيوستراتيجية لموقع العراق - الجزء الثاني', 164),
(328, 'en', 'rewaq Baghdad : Seminar on the Geostrategic Importance of the Iraq Site - Part 2', 164),
(329, 'ar', 'رواق بغداد : ندوة الأهمية الجيوستراتيجية لموقع العراق - الجزء الثالث', 165),
(330, 'en', 'rewaq Baghdad : Seminar on the Geostrategic Importance of the Iraq Site - Part 3', 165),
(331, 'ar', 'رواق بغداد : أقام قسم الاستطلاع في المركز ورشة تدريبية مكثفة لموظفي دئرة التشريع في مجلس النواب', 166),
(332, 'en', 'rewaq Baghdad : The polling department at the center held an intensive training workshop for the employees of the Legislative Department in the House of Representatives', 166),
(333, 'ar', 'رواق بغداد : ندوة العلاقات الامريكية وآفاق المستقبل - الجزء الأول', 167),
(334, 'en', 'Rewaq Baghdad : Symposium on American Relations and Future Prospects - Part 1', 167),
(335, 'ar', 'رواق بغداد : ندوة العلاقات العراقية الامريكية وآفاق المستقبل - الجزء الثاني', 168),
(336, 'en', 'Rewaq Baghdad : Symposium on American Relations and Future Prospects - Part 2', 168),
(337, 'ar', 'رواق بغداد: ندوة العلاقات العلاقات العراقية الاميركية و آفاق المستقبل- الجزء الثالث', 169),
(338, 'en', 'Rewaq Baghdad  : Symposium on American Relations and Future Prospects - Part 3', 169),
(339, 'ar', 'رواق بغداد : ندوة العلاقات العراقية الاميركية وآفاق المستقبل- الجزء الرابع', 170),
(340, 'en', 'Rewaq Baghdad : Symposium on American Relations and Future Prospects - Part 4', 170),
(341, 'ar', 'رواق بغداد : ندوة العلاقات العراقية الامريكية و آفاق المستقبل - الجزء الخامس', 171),
(342, 'en', 'Rewaq Baghdad : Symposium on American Relations and Future Prospects - Part 5', 171),
(343, 'ar', 'رواق بغداد:ندوة العلاقات العراقية الاميركية و آفاق المستقبل-الجزء السادس', 172),
(344, 'en', 'Rewaq Baghdad: Symposium on American Relations and Future Prospects - Part 6', 172),
(345, 'ar', 'رواق بغداد : ندوة العلاقات العراقية الامريكية و آفاق المستقبل-الجزء السابع', 173),
(346, 'en', 'Rewaq Baghdad  : Symposium on American Relations and Future Prospects - Part 7', 173),
(347, 'ar', 'رواق بغداد : ندوة العلاقات العراقية الامريكية وآفاق المستقبل - الجزء الثامن', 174),
(348, 'en', 'Rewaq Baghdad : Symposium on American Relations and Future Prospects - Part 8', 174),
(349, 'ar', 'رواق بغداد : ندوة العلاقات العراقية الامريكية و آفاق المستقبل- الجزء التاسع', 175),
(350, 'en', 'Rewaq Baghdad : Symposium on American Relations and Future Prospects - Part 9', 175),
(351, 'ar', 'رواق بغداد : ندوة العلاقات العراقية الامريكية و آفاق المستقبل - الجزء العاشر والآخير', 176),
(352, 'en', 'Rewaq Baghdad: Symposium on American Relations and Future Prospects -last Part  10', 176),
(353, 'ar', 'رواق بغداد : أثر الحوكمة في تعزيز كفاءة وفعالية التشريعات-الجزء الأول', 177),
(354, 'en', 'Rewaq Baghdad: The Impact of Governance in Enhancing the Efficiency and Effectiveness of Legislation - part 1', 177),
(355, 'ar', 'رواق بغداد: أثر الحوكمة في تعزيز كفاءة و فعالية التشريعات - الجزء الثاني', 178),
(356, 'en', 'rewaq Baghdad: The Impact of Governance in Enhancing the Efficiency and Effectiveness of Legislation - Part 2', 178),
(357, 'ar', 'رواق بغداد : أثر الحوكمة في تعزيز كفاءة وفعالية التشريعات - الجزء الثالث', 179),
(358, 'en', 'Rewaq Baghdad: The Impact of Governance in Enhancing the Efficiency and Effectiveness of Legislation - Part 3', 179),
(359, 'ar', 'رواق بغداد : أثر الحوكمة في تعزيز كفاءة وفعالية التشريعات - الجزء الرابع', 180),
(360, 'en', 'Rewaq Baghdad: The Impact of Governance in Enhancing the Efficiency and Effectiveness of Legislation - Part 4', 180),
(361, 'ar', 'رواق بغداد: أثر الحوكمة في تعزيز كفاءة وفعالية التشريعات-الجزء الخامس والاخير', 181),
(362, 'en', 'Rewaq Baghdad: The Impact of Governance in Enhancing the Efficiency and Effectiveness of Legislation - last part 5', 181),
(363, 'ar', 'من هو احمد سوسة؟', 182),
(364, 'en', 'Who is Ahmed Sousse?', 182),
(365, 'ar', 'صدر عن دار الرواق ملحق ( الخطاب السياسي)', 183),
(366, 'en', 'Published by Dar Al-Rewaq as an appendix (Political Discourse)', 183),
(367, 'ar', 'صدر عن دار الرواق العدد السابع من مجلة الرواق ملف (المعارضة السياسية)', 184),
(368, 'en', 'Published by Dar Al-Rewaq, the seventh issue of Al-Rewaq Magazine, File (The Political Opposition)', 184),
(369, 'ar', 'ندوة التوتر العسكري بين روسيا و اوكرانيا الجزء 1', 185),
(370, 'en', 'Seminar on the military tension between Russia and Ukraine part 1', 185),
(371, 'ar', 'ندوة التوتر العسكري بين روسيا و اوكرانيا الجزء 2', 186),
(372, 'en', 'Seminar on the military tension between Russia and Ukraine part 2', 186),
(373, 'ar', 'ندوة التوتر العسكري بين روسيا و اوكرانيا الجزء 3', 187),
(374, 'en', 'Seminar on the military tension between Russia and Ukraine part 3', 187),
(375, 'ar', 'ندوة التوتر العسكري بين روسيا و اوكرانيا الجزء4', 188),
(376, 'en', 'Seminar on the military tension between Russia and Ukraine part4', 188),
(377, 'ar', 'ندوة التوتر العسكري بين روسيا و اوكرانيا الجزء5', 189),
(378, 'en', 'Seminar on the military tension between Russia and Ukraine part5', 189),
(379, 'ar', 'ندوة التوتر العسكري بين روسيا و اوكرانيا الجزء 6', 190),
(380, 'en', 'Seminar on the military tension between Russia and Ukraine part6', 190),
(381, 'ar', 'ندوة التوتر العسكري بين روسيا و اوكرانيا الجزء7', 191),
(382, 'en', 'Seminar on the military tension between Russia and Ukraine part7', 191),
(383, 'ar', 'ندوة حول النصوص المحققة في مجلة المورد الجزء 1', 192),
(384, 'en', 'A symposium on the verified texts in Al-Mawred magazine Part1', 192),
(385, 'ar', 'ندوة حول النصوص المحققة في مجلة المورد الجزء1', 193),
(386, 'en', 'A symposium on the verified texts in Al-Mawred magazine Part2', 193),
(387, 'ar', 'ندوة حول النصوص المحققة في مجلة المورد الجزء3', 194),
(388, 'en', 'A symposium on the verified texts in Al-Mawred magazine Part3', 194),
(389, 'ar', 'ندوة حول النصوص المحققة في مجلة المورد الجزء4', 195),
(390, 'en', 'A symposium on the verified texts in Al-Mawred magazine Part4', 195),
(391, 'ar', 'ندوة حول النصوص المحققة في مجلة المورد الجزء5', 196),
(392, 'en', 'A symposium on the verified texts in Al-Mawred magazine Part5', 196),
(393, 'ar', 'ندوة حول النصوص المحققة في مجلة المورد الجزء6', 197),
(394, 'en', 'A symposium on the verified texts in Al-Mawred magazine Part6', 197),
(395, 'ar', 'ندوة حول النصوص المحققة في مجلة المورد الجزء7', 198),
(396, 'en', 'A symposium on the verified texts in Al-Mawred magazine Part 7', 198),
(397, 'ar', 'ندوة حول النصوص المحققة في مجلة المورد الجزء8', 199),
(398, 'en', 'A symposium on the verified texts in Al-Mawred magazine Part8', 199),
(399, 'ar', 'الانتخابات الفرنسية 2022 آفاق التنافس و مآلات النتائج الجزء 1', 200),
(400, 'en', 'French Elections 2022: Competition Prospects and Results Part1', 200),
(401, 'ar', 'الانتخابات الفرنسية 2022 آفاق التنافس و مآلات النتائج الجزء2', 201),
(402, 'en', 'French Elections 2022: Competition Prospects and Results Part2', 201),
(403, 'ar', 'الانتخابات الفرنسية 2022 آفاق التنافس و مآلات النتائج الجزء3', 202),
(404, 'en', 'French Elections 2022: Competition Prospects and Results Part3', 202),
(405, 'ar', 'الانتخابات الفرنسية 2022 آفاق التنافس و مآلات النتائج الجزء4', 203),
(406, 'en', 'French Elections 2022: Competition Prospects and Results Part4', 203),
(407, 'ar', 'مخاطر إدمان المخدرات بين الشباب،،الآثار والمعالجات الجزء1', 204),
(408, 'en', 'Risks of drug addiction among young people, Effects and treatments Part1', 204),
(409, 'ar', 'مخاطر إدمان المخدرات بين الشباب،،الآثار والمعالجات الجزء2', 205),
(410, 'en', 'Risks of drug addiction among young people, Effects and treatments Part2', 205),
(411, 'ar', 'مخاطر إدمان المخدرات بين الشباب،،الآثار والمعالجات الجزء3', 206),
(412, 'en', 'Risks of drug addiction among young people, Effects and treatments Part3', 206),
(413, 'ar', 'مخاطر إدمان المخدرات بين الشباب،،الآثار والمعالجات الجزء4', 207),
(414, 'en', 'Risks of drug addiction among young people, Effects and treatments Part4', 207),
(415, 'ar', 'مخاطر إدمان المخدرات بين الشباب،،الآثار والمعالجات الجزء5', 208),
(416, 'en', 'Risks of drug addiction among young people, Effects and treatments Part5', 208),
(417, 'ar', 'مخاطر إدمان المخدرات بين الشباب،،الآثار والمعالجات الجزء6', 209),
(418, 'en', 'Risks of drug addiction among young people, Effects and treatments Part6', 209),
(419, 'ar', 'مخاطر إدمان المخدرات بين الشباب،،الآثار والمعالجات الجزء7', 210),
(420, 'en', 'Risks of drug addiction among young people, Effects and treatments Part7', 210),
(421, 'ar', 'مخاطر إدمان المخدرات بين الشباب،،الآثار والمعالجات الجزء7', 211),
(422, 'en', 'Risks of drug addiction among young people, Effects and treatments Part7', 211),
(423, 'ar', 'جانب من افتتاح مكتبة و دار الرواق', 212),
(424, 'en', 'Part of the opening of Al-Rewaq Library and House', 212),
(425, 'ar', 'جانب من افتتاح مكتبة و دار الرواق', 213),
(426, 'en', 'Part of the opening of Al-Rewaq Library and House', 213),
(427, 'ar', 'افتتاح مكتبة و دار الرواق الجزء 1', 214),
(428, 'en', 'the opening of Al-Rewaq Library and House part 1', 214),
(429, 'ar', 'افتتاح مكتبة و دار الرواق الجزء 2', 215),
(430, 'en', 'the opening of Al-Rewaq Library and House part 2', 215),
(431, 'ar', 'ندوة حوارية استضاف فيها مركز رواق بغداد الكاتب زهير الجزائري متحدثا عن كتابه \"يوميات الألم والغضب\"', 216),
(432, 'en', 'A panel discussion in which Rewaq Baghdad Center hosted the writer Zuhair Al-Jazaery speaking about his book \"Diary of Pain and Anger\"', 216),
(433, 'ar', 'ندوة حوارية للكاتب زهير الجزائري الجزء 1', 217),
(434, 'en', 'Dialogue seminar by the writer Zuhair al- jazari part 1', 217),
(435, 'ar', 'ندوة حوارية للكاتب زهير الجزائري الجزء 2', 218),
(436, 'en', 'Dialogue seminar by the writer Zuhair al- jazari part 2', 218),
(437, 'ar', 'ندوة حوارية للكاتب زهير الجزائري الجزء 3', 219),
(438, 'en', 'Dialogue seminar by the writer Zuhair al- jazari part 3', 219),
(439, 'ar', 'ندوة حوارية للكاتب زهير الجزائري الجزء 4', 220),
(440, 'en', 'Dialogue seminar by the writer Zuhair al- jazari part 4', 220),
(441, 'ar', 'ندوة حوارية للكاتب زهير الجزائري الجزء 5', 221),
(442, 'en', 'Dialogue seminar by the writer Zuhair al- jazari part 5', 221),
(443, 'ar', 'ندوة حوارية للكاتب زهير الجزائري الجزء 6', 222),
(444, 'en', 'Dialogue seminar by the writer Zuhair al- jazari part 6', 222),
(445, 'ar', 'ندوة العلاقات العراقية _ الاذربيجانية', 223),
(446, 'en', 'Seminar on Iraqi-Azerbaijani relations', 223),
(447, 'ar', 'العلاقات العراقية الاذربيجانية : افاق المستقبل  -الجزء الاول', 224),
(448, 'en', 'Iraqi-Azerbaijani relations: future prospects part 1', 224),
(449, 'ar', 'العلاقات العراقية الاذربيجانية : افاق المستقبل  -الجزء 2', 225),
(450, 'en', 'Iraqi-Azerbaijani relations: future prospects part 2', 225),
(451, 'ar', 'العلاقات العراقية الاذربيجانية : افاق المستقبل  -الجزء 3', 226),
(452, 'en', 'Iraqi-Azerbaijani relations: future prospects part 3', 226),
(453, 'ar', 'العلاقات العراقية الاذربيجانية : افاق المستقبل  -الجزء 4', 227),
(454, 'en', 'Iraqi-Azerbaijani relations: future prospects part 4', 227),
(455, 'ar', 'العلاقات العراقية الاذربيجانية : افاق المستقبل  -الجزء 5', 228),
(456, 'en', 'Iraqi-Azerbaijani relations: future prospects part 5', 228),
(457, 'ar', 'تغطية قناة هنا بغداد الفضائية لندوة العلاقات العراقية _ الاذربيجانية : آفاق المستقبل في رواق بغداد', 229),
(458, 'en', 'Huna Baghdad satellite channel coverage of the Iraqi-Azerbaijani relations symposium: Prospects for the future in rewaq baghdad', 229),
(459, 'ar', 'الآليات الدستورية والقانونية لتشكيل الحكومة القادمة', 230),
(460, 'en', 'Constitutional and legal mechanisms to form the next government', 230),
(461, 'ar', 'المشاركة البحثية', 231),
(462, 'en', 'Research participation', 231),
(463, 'ar', 'زيارة مركز رواق بغداد الى مصر', 232),
(464, 'en', 'Rewaq Baghdad  Center visit to Egypt', 232),
(465, 'ar', 'زيارة مركز رواق بغداد الى مصر', 233),
(466, 'en', 'Rewaq Baghdad Center visit to Egypt', 233),
(467, 'ar', 'صدر عن دار الرواق ملحق ( قمة بغداد للتعاون والشراكة : فرص وتحديات )', 234),
(468, 'en', 'Published by Dar Al-Rewaq as an appendix (Baghdad Summit for Cooperation and Partnership: Opportunities and Challenges)', 234),
(469, 'ar', 'لقاء المدير التنفيذي للمركز عدنان عبد الحسين في برنامج الثامنة على قناة الرشيد الجزء 1', 235),
(470, 'en', 'Interview with the Executive Director of the Center, Adnan Abdel-Hussein, in the al-thaminah Program on Al-Rasheed TV', 235),
(471, 'ar', 'لقاء المدير التنفيذي للمركز عدنان عبد الحسين في برنامج الثامنة على قناة الرشيد الجزء 2', 236),
(472, 'en', 'Interview with the Executive Director of the Center, Adnan Abdel-Hussein, in the al-thaminah Program on Al-Rasheed TV  part 2', 236),
(473, 'ar', 'لقاء المدير التنفيذي للمركز عدنان عبد الحسين في برنامج الثامنة على قناة الرشيد الجزء 3', 237),
(474, 'en', 'Interview with the Executive Director of the Center, Adnan Abdel-Hussein, in the al-thaminah Program on Al-Rasheed TV  part 3', 237),
(475, 'ar', 'لقاء المدير التنفيذي للمركز عدنان عبد الحسين في برنامج الثامنة على قناة الرشيد الجزء 4', 238),
(476, 'en', 'Interview with the Executive Director of the Center, Adnan Abdel-Hussein, in the al-thaminah Program on Al-Rasheed TV  part 4', 238),
(477, 'ar', 'لماذا من غير المحتمل ان تغيّر الانتخابات المقبلة اللعبة ؟', 239),
(478, 'en', 'Why is the upcoming election unlikely to change the game?', 239),
(479, 'ar', 'استطلاع الرواق', 240),
(480, 'en', 'al rewaq poll', 240),
(481, 'ar', 'من هو جعفر ابو التمن؟', 241),
(482, 'en', 'Who is Jaafar Abu Atman?', 241),
(483, 'ar', 'تطبيق انا البرلمان', 242),
(484, 'en', 'I am Parliament application', 242),
(485, 'ar', 'ندوة التعاون العراقي/المصري بأطار ثلاثي 1', 243),
(486, 'en', 'Seminar on Iraqi / Egyptian cooperation in three frameworks part 1', 243),
(487, 'ar', 'ندوة التعاون العراقي/المصري بأطار ثلاثي 2', 244),
(488, 'en', 'Seminar on Iraqi/Egyptian cooperation in a tripartite frame 2', 244),
(489, 'ar', 'ندوة التعاون العراقي/المصري بأطار ثلاثي 3', 245),
(490, 'en', 'Seminar on Iraqi/Egyptian cooperation in a tripartite frame 3', 245),
(491, 'ar', 'ندوة التعاون العراقي/المصري بأطار ثلاثي 4', 246),
(492, 'en', 'Seminar on Iraqi/Egyptian cooperation in a tripartite frame 4', 246),
(493, 'ar', 'السفير المصري يجيب : لماذا ابتعدت مصر عن العراق بعد التغيير ؟', 247),
(494, 'en', 'The Egyptian ambassador answers: Why did Egypt move away from Iraq after the change?', 247),
(495, 'ar', 'السفير المصري في العراق يتحدث عن امكانات العراق السياحية', 248),
(496, 'en', 'The Egyptian ambassador to Iraq talks about Iraq\'s tourism potential', 248),
(497, 'ar', 'السفير المصري يتحدث عن افق التعاون الثلاثي', 249),
(498, 'en', 'The Egyptian ambassador talks about the prospect of tripartite cooperation', 249),
(499, 'ar', 'السفير المصري في العراق يتحدث عن الاقتصاد المصري', 250),
(500, 'en', 'The Egyptian ambassador to Iraq talks about the Egyptian economy', 250),
(501, 'ar', 'السفير المصري : مصر دولة سنية المذهب شيعية الهوى', 251),
(502, 'en', 'The Egyptian Ambassador: Egypt is a Sunni state with a Shiite sect', 251),
(503, 'ar', 'للاشتراك في النشرة البريدية', 252),
(504, 'en', 'To subscribe to the newsletter', 252),
(505, 'ar', 'كراس استطلاع الرواق تحت عنوان (تقييم اداء حكومة السيد الكاظمي ٢٠١٩_٢٠٢٠)', 253),
(506, 'en', 'Al-Rewaq Poll Booklet under the title (Evaluating the performance of Mr. Al-Kazemi\'s government 2019_2020)', 253),
(507, 'ar', 'زيارة رئيس مركز رواق بغداد لعميد الجامعة المستنصرية', 254),
(508, 'en', 'The visit of the head of Rewaq Baghdad Center to the dean of Al-Mustansiriya University', 254),
(509, 'ar', 'ندوة التحول نحو التعامل المالي والاقتصادي الجزء 1', 255),
(510, 'en', 'Symposium on the transition towards financial and economic dealings, part 1', 255),
(511, 'ar', 'ندوة التحول نحو التعامل المالي والاقتصادي الجزء 2', 256),
(512, 'en', 'Symposium on the transition towards financial and economic dealings, part 2', 256),
(513, 'ar', 'ندوة التحول نحو التعامل المالي والاقتصادي الجزء 3', 257),
(514, 'en', 'Symposium on the transition towards financial and economic dealings, part 3', 257),
(515, 'ar', 'ندوة التحول نحو التعامل المالي والاقتصادي الجزء 4', 258),
(516, 'en', 'Symposium on the transition towards financial and economic dealings, part 4', 258),
(517, 'ar', 'ندوة التجاوزات على الحدود البحرية الجزء 1', 259),
(518, 'en', 'Symposium transgressions on the maritime borders part 1', 259),
(519, 'ar', 'ندوة التجاوزات على الحدود البحرية الجزء 2', 260),
(520, 'en', 'Symposium transgressions on the maritime borders part 2', 260),
(521, 'ar', 'ندوة التجاوزات على الحدود البحرية الجزء 3', 261),
(522, 'en', 'Symposium transgressions on the maritime borders part 3', 261),
(523, 'ar', 'ندوة التجاوزات على الحدود البحرية الجزء 4', 262),
(524, 'en', 'Symposium transgressions on the maritime borders part 4', 262),
(525, 'ar', 'ندوة التجاوزات على الحدود البحرية الجزء 5', 263),
(526, 'en', 'Symposium transgressions on the maritime borders part 5', 263),
(527, 'ar', 'ندوة التجاوزات على الحدود البحرية الجزء 6', 264),
(528, 'en', 'Symposium transgressions on the maritime borders part 6', 264),
(529, 'ar', 'حفل توقيع كتاب الوطنية العراقية تحديات المشروعين الايراني والتركي', 265),
(530, 'en', 'The signing ceremony of the Iraqi National Book: Challenges of the Iranian and Turkish Projects', 265),
(531, 'ar', 'ندوة التعاون الاقتصادي العراقي والتركي', 266),
(532, 'en', 'Symposium on Iraqi and Turkish economic cooperation', 266),
(533, 'ar', 'مجلة الرواق دكتور علاء حميد', 267),
(534, 'en', 'Al-Rewaq Magazine, Dr. Alaa Hamid', 267),
(535, 'ar', 'استطلاعات الرواق استاذ علي حسون', 268),
(536, 'en', 'al rewaq polls Mr. Ali Hassoun', 268),
(537, 'ar', 'اهم التحديات التي تواجه الامن الانتخابي / علاء حميد', 269),
(538, 'en', 'The most important challenges facing electoral security / Alaa Hamid', 269),
(539, 'ar', 'امن المعلومات في الانتخابات / عادل سلمان عضو امناء هيئة الاعلام والاتصالات', 270),
(540, 'en', 'Information security in elections / Adel Salman, member of the trustees of the Media and Communications Commission', 270),
(541, 'ar', 'امن الانتخابات وفق رؤية وزارة الداخلية / اللواء خالد المحنا', 271),
(542, 'en', 'Elections security according to the vision of the Ministry of Interior / Major General Khaled Al-Muhanna', 271),
(543, 'ar', 'ضمانات لتحقيق الامن الانتخابي / عدنان عبد الحسين', 272),
(544, 'en', 'Guarantees to achieve electoral security / Adnan Abdul Hussein', 272),
(545, 'ar', 'حلقة نقاشية حول امن الانتخابات بأدارة الباحث ابراهيم العبادي', 273),
(546, 'en', 'A panel discussion on election security moderated by researcher Ibrahim Al-Abadi', 273),
(547, 'ar', 'امن الانتخابات وفق رؤية وزارة الداخلية', 274),
(548, 'en', 'Elections security according to the vision of the Ministry of Interior', 274),
(549, 'ar', 'ندوة حوارية حول التعاون الاقتصادي العراقي والتركي', 275),
(550, 'en', 'Seminar on Iraqi and Turkish economic cooperation', 275),
(551, 'ar', 'جانب من ندوة التعاون الاقتصادي العراقي والتركي', 276),
(552, 'en', 'Part of the Iraqi and Turkish economic cooperation symposium', 276),
(553, 'ar', 'ندوة التعاون الاقتصادي العراقي والتركي الجزء 2', 277),
(554, 'en', 'Symposium on Iraqi and Turkish economic cooperation, part 2', 277),
(555, 'ar', 'ندوة التعاون الاقتصادي العراقي والتركي الجزء 3', 278),
(556, 'en', 'Symposium on Iraqi and Turkish economic cooperation, part 3', 278),
(557, 'ar', 'ندوة التعاون الاقتصادي العراقي والتركي الجزء 4', 279),
(558, 'en', 'Symposium on Iraqi and Turkish economic cooperation, part 4', 279),
(559, 'ar', 'ندوة التعاون الاقتصادي العراقي والتركي الجزء 5', 280),
(560, 'en', 'Symposium on Iraqi and Turkish economic cooperation, part 5', 280),
(561, 'ar', 'ندوة التعاون الاقتصادي العراقي والتركي', 281),
(562, 'en', 'Symposium on Iraqi and Turkish economic cooperation', 281),
(563, 'ar', 'تناول الاستاذ عادل سلمان عضو مجلس امناء هيئة الاعلام والاتصالات امن المعلومات في الانتخابات', 282),
(564, 'en', 'Mr. Adel Salman, member of the Board of Trustees of the Media and Communications Authority, addressed information security in the elections', 282),
(565, 'ar', 'كتاب الوطنية العراقية تحديات المشروعين الايراني والتركي للباحث جواد علي كسار', 283),
(566, 'en', 'Iraqi nationalism, the challenges of the Iranian and Turkish projects, by researcher Jawad Ali Kassar', 283),
(567, 'ar', 'صدر العدد الخامس لمجلة الرواق', 284),
(568, 'en', 'The fifth issue of Al-Rewaq magazine was published', 284),
(569, 'ar', 'لقاء المدير التنفيذي لمركز رواق بغداد عدنان عبد الحسين على قناة وطن حول الانتخابات المبكرة الجزء 1', 285),
(570, 'en', 'Interview with the Executive Director of Rewaq Baghdad Center, Adnan Abdul-Hussein, on Watan TV, about early elections part 1', 285),
(571, 'ar', 'لقاء المدير التنفيذي لمركز رواق بغداد عدنان عبد الحسين على قناة وطن حول الانتخابات المبكرة الجزء2', 286),
(572, 'en', 'Interview with the Executive Director of Rewaq Baghdad Center, Adnan Abdul-Hussein, on Watan TV, about early elections part 2', 286),
(573, 'ar', 'لقاء المدير التنفيذي لمركز رواق بغداد عدنان عبد الحسين على قناة وطن حول استقلالية الانتخابات الجزء 3', 287),
(574, 'en', 'Interview with the Executive Director of Rewaq Baghdad Center, Adnan Abdul-Hussein, on Watan TV, about early elections', 287),
(575, 'ar', 'لقاء المدير التنفيذي لمركز رواق بغداد عدنان عبد الحسين على قناة وطن حول الانتخابات المبكرة', 288),
(576, 'en', 'Interview with the Executive Director of Rewaq Baghdad Center, Adnan Abdul-Hussein, on Watan TV, about early elections', 288),
(577, 'ar', 'لقاء المدير التنفيذي لمركز رواق بغداد عدنان عبد الحسين على قناة وطن الفضائيه', 289),
(578, 'en', 'Interview with the Executive Director of Rewaq Baghdad Center, Adnan Abdul-Hussein, on Watan TV, about early elections', 289),
(579, 'ar', 'لقاء المدير التنفيذي لمركز رواق بغداد عدنان عبد الحسين على قناة وطن حول التظاهرات', 290),
(580, 'en', 'Interview with the Executive Director of Rewaq Baghdad Center, Adnan Abdul-Hussein, on Watan TV, about the demonstrations', 290),
(581, 'ar', 'رواق بغداد عامان على التأسيس، خطى واثقة وامآل كبيرة', 291),
(582, 'en', 'Rewaq Baghdad .. two years since its founding, with confident steps and great hopes', 291),
(583, 'ar', 'كل عام وانتم بألف خير', 292),
(584, 'en', 'Happy year', 292),
(585, 'ar', 'نتائج استبيان حول توجهات الناخبين في الانتخابات النيابية 2021(المشاركة،التفضيلات،الاولويات)', 293),
(586, 'en', 'Results of a survey about voter orientation in the 2021 parliamentary elections (participation, preferences, priorities)', 293),
(587, 'ar', '(استطلاع الرواق) تقييم اداء الحكومة الحالية', 294),
(588, 'en', '(the rewaq poll) Evaluate the performance of the current government', 294),
(589, 'ar', 'صدر العدد الرابع من مجلة الرواق', 295),
(590, 'en', 'The fourth issue of Al-Rewaq magazine was published', 295),
(591, 'ar', 'مركز رواق بغداد والكتاب..', 296),
(592, 'en', 'Rewaq Baghdad  Center and the book..', 296),
(593, 'ar', 'تم صدور كتاب \" محمد جواد ظريف ، ايران والملفات الكبرى\" للباحث جواد علي كسار', 297),
(594, 'en', 'The book \"Mohammed Jawvad Zarif, Iran and the Great Files\" by researcher Jawad Ali Kassar has been published', 297),
(595, 'ar', 'مهدي بازركان..', 298),
(596, 'en', 'Mahdi Bazargan.', 298),
(597, 'ar', 'المنجز العمراني والحضاري.', 299),
(598, 'en', 'Urban and cultural achievement.', 299),
(599, 'ar', 'اهمية معرفة ايران..', 300),
(600, 'en', 'The importance of knowing Iran.', 300),
(601, 'ar', 'ايران موضوع وليست قضية.', 301),
(602, 'en', 'Iran is a subject , not an issue.', 301),
(603, 'ar', 'انعقاد القمة في طهران', 302),
(604, 'en', 'The summit is held in Tehran', 302),
(605, 'ar', 'الخسائر البشرية في الحرب العراقية- الايرانية', 303),
(606, 'en', 'Human losses in the Iraq-Iran war', 303);
INSERT INTO `kon_video_translations` (`id`, `locale`, `name`, `kon_video_id`) VALUES
(607, 'ar', 'التحولات الايرانية بالنسبة للعراق.', 304),
(608, 'en', 'Iranian transformations for Iraq.', 304),
(609, 'ar', 'التيارات السياسية في ايران', 305),
(610, 'en', 'political currents in Iran', 305),
(611, 'ar', 'منهج الكتاب.', 306),
(612, 'en', 'Book curriculum.', 306),
(613, 'ar', 'قانون معادلة الشهادات العليا وكفاءات الدولة', 307),
(614, 'en', 'The law of equivalence of higher degrees and competencies of the state', 307),
(615, 'ar', 'توسعة مقاعد الدراسات العليا', 308),
(616, 'en', 'Expansion of graduate studies seats', 308),
(617, 'ar', 'الاقتصاد والطاقة في تخطيط القطاعات.', 309),
(618, 'en', 'Economy and energy in sector planning.', 309),
(619, 'ar', 'استثمار الطاقة الشمسية', 310),
(620, 'en', 'Solar energy investment', 310),
(621, 'ar', 'جدلية علاقة القطاع الخاص مع الحكومة..', 311),
(622, 'en', 'The relationship between the private sector and the government.', 311),
(625, 'ar', 'تأثير كورونا على المشاريع والبطالة.', 313),
(626, 'en', 'The impact of Corona on projects and unemployment.', 313),
(627, 'ar', 'موازنة البنود وموازنة المشاريع..', 314),
(628, 'en', 'Item balancing and project balancing.', 314),
(629, 'ar', 'العراق.. الفرص والتحديات وفق رؤية وزارة التخطيط بحضور معالي وزير التخطيط الدكتور خالد بتال الجزء ٢', 315),
(630, 'en', 'Iraq.. Opportunities and challenges according to the vision of the Ministry of Planning, in the presence of His Excellency the Minister of Planning, Dr. Khaled Battal, Part 2', 315),
(631, 'ar', 'العراق.. الفرص والتحديات وفق رؤية وزارة التخطيط بحضور معالي وزير التخطيط الدكتور خالد بتال الجزء 1', 316),
(632, 'en', 'Iraq.. Opportunities and challenges according to the vision of the Ministry of Planning, in the presence of His Excellency the Minister of Planning, Dr. Khaled Battal, Part 1', 316),
(633, 'ar', 'حفل توقيع كتاب \" محمد جواد ظريف ، ايران والملفات الكبرى \" بحضور الباحث جواد علي كسار الجزء 1', 317),
(634, 'en', 'The signing ceremony of the book \"Mohammed Jawad Zarif, Iran and the Great Files\" in the presence of researcher Jawad Ali Kassar, part 1', 317),
(635, 'ar', 'حفل توقيع كتاب \" محمد جواد ظريف ، ايران والملفات الكبرى \" بحضور الباحث جواد علي كسار الجزء 2', 318),
(636, 'en', 'The signing ceremony of the book \"Mohammed Jawad Zarif, Iran and the Great Files\" in the presence of researcher Jawad Ali Kassar, part 2', 318),
(637, 'ar', 'حفل توقيع كتاب \" محمد جواد ظريف ، ايران والملفات الكبرى \" بحضور الباحث جواد علي كسار الجزء 3', 319),
(638, 'en', 'The signing ceremony of the book \"Mohammed Jawad Zarif, Iran and the Great Files\" in the presence of researcher Jawad Ali Kassar, part 3', 319),
(639, 'ar', 'حفل توقيع كتاب \" محمد جواد ظريف ، ايران والملفات الكبرى \" بحضور الباحث جواد علي كسار الجزء 4', 320),
(640, 'en', 'The signing ceremony of the book \"Mohammed Jawad Zarif, Iran and the Great Files\" in the presence of researcher Jawad Ali Kassar, part 4', 320),
(641, 'ar', 'احتجاجات اقليم كردستان.. اسبابها ودواعيها', 321),
(642, 'en', 'The protests of the Kurdistan region.. their causes and reasons', 321),
(643, 'ar', 'مراحل انشاء ميناء الفاو الكبير', 322),
(644, 'en', 'Stages of construction of the large port of Faw', 322),
(645, 'ar', 'رفع الحد الأدنى لرؤوس أموال المصارف خطوة نحو الاصلاح المصرفي والتنمية الاقتصادية', 323),
(646, 'en', 'Raising the minimum capital for banks is a step towards banking reform and economic development', 323),
(647, 'ar', 'في اطار المواجهة مع فايروس كوفيد-19: مقترح لتخصيص رقم صحي (كود) لكل مواطن عراقي', 324),
(648, 'en', 'In the framework of the confrontation with the Covid-19 virus: A proposal to allocate a health number (code) for every Iraqi citizen', 324),
(649, 'ar', 'العمالة الاجنبية واثرها في البطالة', 325),
(650, 'en', 'Foreign employment and its impact on unemployment', 325),
(651, 'ar', 'فخ الاستنزاف.. خطوات الكاظمي لمواجهة الجماعات المسلحة', 326),
(652, 'en', 'The trap of attrition.. Al-Kazemi\'s steps to confront armed groups', 326),
(653, 'ar', 'نشأة الدبلوماسية البرلمانية وتطورها', 327),
(654, 'en', 'The emergence and development of parliamentary diplomacy', 327),
(655, 'ar', 'صدور العدد الثالث من مجلة الرواق', 328),
(656, 'en', 'The issuance of the third issue of Al-Rewaq magazine', 328),
(657, 'ar', 'الحدود البحرية العراقية الكويتية في خور عبدالله', 329),
(658, 'en', 'The Iraqi-Kuwaiti maritime borders in Khawr Abdullah', 329),
(659, 'ar', 'االورقة البيضاء: مشكلات حقيقية وإصلاحات تقشفية قاسية ..خُلاصة لمائة صفحة', 330),
(660, 'en', 'The White Paper: Real Problems and Harsh Austerity Reforms... a 100-page summary', 330),
(661, 'ar', 'الجانب المُظلم المُحتمل لعسكرة المجتمعات الخليجية/ د. مهند طالب الحمدي', 331),
(662, 'en', 'The potential dark side of the militarization of Gulf societies / d. Muhannad Talib Al-Hamdi', 331),
(663, 'ar', 'لقاء رئيس مركز رواق بغداد الاستاذ عباس العنبوري مع قناة الاتجاه / الجزء 1', 332),
(664, 'en', 'Interview of the head of  Rewaq Baghdad Center, Mr. Abbas Al-Anbouri, with Al-Ettijah TV / Part 1', 332),
(665, 'ar', 'لقاء رئيس مركز رواق بغداد الاستاذ عباس العنبوري مع قناة الاتجاه / الجزء 2', 333),
(666, 'en', 'Interview of the head of Rewaq Baghdad Center, Mr. Abbas Al-Anbouri, with Al-Ettijah TV / Part 2', 333),
(667, 'ar', 'لقاء رئيس مركز رواق بغداد الاستاذ عباس العنبوري مع قناة الاتجاه / الجزء 3', 334),
(668, 'en', 'Interview of the head of Rewaq  Baghdad Center, Mr. Abbas Al-Anbouri, with Al-Ettijah TV / Part 3', 334),
(669, 'ar', 'لقاء رئيس مركز رواق بغداد الاستاذ عباس العنبوري مع قناة الاتجاه / الجزء 4', 335),
(670, 'en', 'Interview of the head of Rewaq Baghdad Center, Mr. Abbas Al-Anbouri, with Al-Ettijah TV / Part 4', 335),
(671, 'ar', 'لقاء رئيس مركز رواق بغداد الاستاذ عباس العنبوري مع قناة الحرة/ الجزء 1', 336),
(672, 'en', 'Interview of the head of Rewaq Baghdad Center, Mr. Abbas Al-Anbouri, with Al-Hurra TV / Part 1', 336),
(673, 'ar', 'لقاء رئيس مركز رواق بغداد الاستاذ عباس العنبوري مع قناة الحرة/ الجزء 2', 337),
(674, 'en', 'Interview of the head of Rewaq Baghdad  Center, Mr. Abbas Al-Anbouri, with Al-Hurra TV / Part2', 337),
(675, 'ar', 'لقاء رئيس مركز رواق بغداد الاستاذ عباس العنبوري مع قناة الحرة/ الجزء 3', 338),
(676, 'en', 'Interview of the head of Rewaq Baghdad Center, Mr. Abbas Al-Anbouri, with Al-Hurra TV / Part 3', 338),
(677, 'ar', 'لقاء رئيس مركز رواق بغداد الاستاذ عباس العنبوري مع قناة وطن ف برنامج ساحة التحرير/ الجزء 1', 339),
(678, 'en', 'Interview of the head of rewaq baghdad Center, Mr. Abbas Al-Anbouri, with Watan TV, in the Tahrir Square program / Part1', 339),
(679, 'ar', 'لقاء رئيس مركز رواق بغداد الاستاذ عباس العنبوري مع قناة وطن ف برنامج ساحة التحرير/ الجزء 2', 340),
(680, 'en', 'Interview of the head of Rewaq Baghdad Center, Mr. Abbas Al-Anbouri, with Watan TV, in the Tahrir Square program / Part2', 340),
(681, 'ar', 'لقاء رئيس مركز رواق بغداد الاستاذ عباس العنبوري مع قناة وطن ف برنامج ساحة التحرير/ الجزء 3', 341),
(682, 'en', 'Interview of the head of Rewaq Baghdad Center, Mr. Abbas Al-Anbouri, with Watan TV, in the Tahrir Square program / Part3', 341),
(683, 'ar', 'لقاء رئيس مركز رواق بغداد الاستاذ عباس العنبوري مع قناة وطن ف برنامج ساحة التحرير/ الجزء 4', 342),
(684, 'en', 'Interview of the head of Rewaq Baghdad  Center, Mr. Abbas Al-Anbouri, with Watan TV, in the Tahrir Square program / Part4', 342),
(685, 'ar', 'الكاظمي و ايران.. دعم حذر', 343),
(686, 'en', 'Al-Kazemi and Iran... cautious support', 343),
(687, 'ar', 'إشكاليات التدخل العسكري التركي في شمال العراق', 344),
(688, 'en', 'problems of the Turkish military intervention in northern Iraq', 344),
(689, 'ar', 'لقاء رئيس مركز رواق بغداد الاستاذ عباس العنبوري مع قناة الحرة / الجزء1', 345),
(690, 'en', 'Interview of the head of Rewaq Baghdad Center, Mr. Abbas Al-Anbouri, with Al-Hurra TV / Part1', 345),
(691, 'ar', 'لقاء رئيس مركز رواق بغداد الاستاذ عباس العنبوري مع قناة الحرة / الجزء 2', 346),
(692, 'en', 'Interview of the head of Rewaq Baghdad Center, Mr. Abbas Al-Anbouri, with Al-Hurra TV / Part2', 346),
(693, 'ar', 'لقاء رئيس مركز رواق بغداد الاستاذ عباس العنبوري مع قناة الحرة / الجزء 3', 347),
(694, 'en', 'Interview of the head of Rewaq  Baghdad Center, Mr. Abbas Al-Anbouri, with Al-Hurra TV / Part3', 347),
(695, 'ar', 'لقاء رئيس مركز رواق بغداد الاستاذ عباس العنبوري مع قناة الحرة / الجزء4', 348),
(696, 'en', 'Interview of the head of Rewaq Baghdad Center, Mr. Abbas Al-Anbouri, with Al-Hurra TV / Part4', 348),
(697, 'ar', 'العلاقات العراقية- الاندونيسية .. التحديات والمستقبل', 349),
(698, 'en', 'Iraqi-Indonesian Relations: Challenges and the Future', 349),
(699, 'ar', 'ندوة اونلاين / اسباب تنامي النقاش والجدل مع مرور ذكرى 1958م حول النظام الملكي والجمهوري', 350),
(700, 'en', 'Webinar / Reasons for the growth of debate and controversy with the passage of the 1958 anniversary about the monarchy and the republic', 350),
(701, 'ar', 'صدور العدد الثاني من مجلة الرواق', 351),
(702, 'en', 'Publication of the second issue of Al-Rewaq magazine', 351),
(703, 'ar', 'أثر انظمة التبريد المركزي في تقليل استهلاك الطاقة الكهربائية (نظام تبريد المناطق إنموذجاً)', 352),
(704, 'en', 'The effect of central cooling systems in reducing electrical energy consumption (the district cooling system as a model)', 352),
(705, 'ar', 'ابرز ما جاء في الصحف الايرانية حول منح الثقة لحكومة الكاظمي', 353),
(706, 'en', 'The most prominent of what came in the Iranian newspapers about granting confidence to the Al-Kazemi government', 353),
(707, 'ar', 'الاغلبية في الدستور العراقي', 354),
(708, 'en', 'Majority in the Iraqi constitution', 354),
(709, 'ar', 'الصراع بين مجلس القضاء الاعلى والمحكمة الاتحادية', 355),
(710, 'en', 'The conflict between the Supreme Judicial Council and the Federal Court', 355),
(711, 'ar', 'العراق- وباء كورونا .. الواقع والتحديات', 356),
(712, 'en', 'Iraq - Corona epidemic .. Reality and challenges', 356),
(713, 'ar', 'التكليف بلا ترشيح .. دستورية تكليف النائب / عدنان الزرفي', 357),
(714, 'en', 'Assignment without nomination.. The constitutionality of assigning Representative / Adnan Al-Zarfi', 357),
(715, 'ar', 'مآلات الكيانات السياسية على ضوء قانون الانتخابات الجديد: الحزب الدمقراطي الكردستاني', 358),
(716, 'en', 'The fate of political entities in the light of the new election law: The Kurdistan Democratic Party', 358),
(717, 'ar', 'التيار الصدري :مآلات الكيانات السياسية على ضوء قانون الانتخابات الجديد.', 359),
(718, 'en', 'the Sadrist movement: The outcome of political entities in the light of the new election law', 359),
(719, 'ar', 'لقاء رئيس مركز رواق بغداد الاستاذ عباس العنبوري في قناة الفرات الفضائية', 360),
(720, 'en', 'Interview with the head of Rewaq Baghdad Center, Mr. Abbas Al-Anbouri, on the Al-Furat satellite channel', 360),
(721, 'ar', 'كلمة الاستاذ عباس العنبوري رئيس مركز رواق بغداد في ملتقى النجف -اربيل', 361),
(722, 'en', 'Speech of Mr. Abbas Al-Anbouri, Head of Rewaq Baghdad Center, at the Najaf-Erbil Forum', 361),
(723, 'ar', 'استطلاع آراء غير المشاركين في احتجاجات تشرين', 362),
(724, 'en', 'A survey of the opinions of non-participants in the October protests', 362),
(725, 'ar', 'تظاهرات العراق واحتمالات التغير', 363),
(726, 'en', 'Iraq demonstrations and possibilities of change', 363),
(727, 'ar', 'احتجاجات تشرين العراقية', 364),
(728, 'en', 'Iraqi October protests', 364),
(729, 'ar', 'المبادرة الوطنية للإصلاح السياسي في العراق', 365),
(730, 'en', 'The National Initiative for Political Reform in Iraq', 365),
(731, 'ar', 'رواق بغداد من الفكرة الى الواقع', 366),
(732, 'en', 'Rewaq Baghdad from idea to reality', 366),
(733, 'ar', 'من البطالة الى البطالة المقنعة .. الأسباب والحلول', 367),
(734, 'en', 'From Unemployment to Disguised Unemployment...Causes and Solutions', 367),
(735, 'ar', 'تقرير الانجاز الحكومي ... الحقيقة والإدعاء', 368),
(736, 'en', 'Governmental Achievement Report... Truth and Prosecution', 368),
(737, 'ar', 'الدكتور مظهر محمد صالح الجزء 1', 369),
(738, 'en', 'Dr. Mazhar Muhammad Saleh, part 1', 369),
(739, 'ar', 'الدكتور مظهر محمد صالح الجزء 2', 370),
(740, 'en', 'Dr. Mazhar Muhammad Saleh, part2', 370),
(741, 'ar', 'الدكتور مظهر محمد صالح الجزء 3', 371),
(742, 'en', 'Dr. Mazhar Muhammad Saleh, part 3', 371),
(743, 'ar', 'غياب الاحصائيات الرسمية لعدد المتعاطين للمخدرات داخل العراق', 372),
(744, 'en', 'The absence of official statistics on the number of drug users inside Iraq.', 372),
(745, 'ar', 'كيف تحول العراق من محطة مرور للمخدرات الى صانع لها عبر معامل التصنيع في الجنوب', 373),
(746, 'en', 'How did Iraq transform from a drug transit station into a drug manufacturer through manufacturing factories in the south?', 373),
(747, 'ar', 'تعرف على حقيقة تطبيق الاتفاقيات الأمنية بين العراق وإيران', 374),
(748, 'en', 'Discover the truth about implementing the security agreements between Iraq and Iran.', 374),
(749, 'ar', 'ما دور الأعراف العشائرية في حماية المتاجرين بالمخدرات في مناطق جنوب العراق', 375),
(750, 'en', 'What is the role of tribal customs in protecting drug traffickers in southern Iraq?', 375),
(751, 'ar', 'ضعف الأدوات الامنية في مكافحة المخدرات في العراق', 376),
(752, 'en', 'Weak security tools in combating drugs in Iraq', 376),
(753, 'ar', 'ما علاقة انتشار داعش في المناطق الشمالية والغربية.. ومخدرات الكريستال في جنوب العراق', 377),
(754, 'en', 'What is the relationship between the spread of ISIS in the northern and western regions... and crystal drugs in southern Iraq?', 377),
(755, 'ar', 'الدكتور مظهر محمد صالح يتحدث عن عشوائية منح الإجازات لشركات الصيرفةوكيف استفاد تنظيم داعش منها', 378),
(756, 'en', 'Dr. Mazhar Muhammad Saleh talks about the randomness of granting licenses to banking companies and how ISIS benefited from them', 378),
(757, 'ar', 'غالب الشابندر: السيد السيستاني قال للسياسيين الشيعة إياكم ان تتورطوا بالسلطة التنفيذية', 379),
(758, 'en', 'Ghaleb Al-Shabandar: Sayid Al-Sistani told Shiaa politicians not to get involved in the executive authority', 379),
(759, 'ar', 'ندوة الحوارية المشتركة مع مركز النهرين للدراسات الاستراتيجية.  و التي تناولت الأمن القومي العراقي و تداخلاته مع دول الجوار.', 380),
(760, 'en', 'Joint dialogue symposium with Al-Nahrain Center for Strategic Studies. Which dealt with Iraqi national security and its interactions with neighboring countries.', 380),
(761, 'ar', 'اسم الفيديو', 381),
(762, 'en', 'name of video', 381),
(763, 'ar', 'اسم الفيديو', 382),
(764, 'en', 'name of video', 382);

-- --------------------------------------------------------

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-- --------------------------------------------------------

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INSERT INTO `magazineblog_translations` (`id`, `locale`, `title`, `description`, `tags`, `writer`, `content`, `title_1`, `content_1`, `title_2`, `content_2`, `title_3`, `content_3`, `title_4`, `content_4`, `title_5`, `content_5`, `title_6`, `content_6`, `title_7`, `content_7`, `title_8`, `content_8`, `title_9`, `content_9`, `parent_id`) VALUES
(9, 'ar', 'النظام السياسي واحتمالات الانهيار', 'النظام السياسي واحتمالات الانهيارالنظام السياسي واحتمالات الانهيارالنظام السياسي واحتمالات الانهيارالنظام السياسي واحتمالات الانهيارالنظام السياسي واحتمالات الانهيار', '', 'عباس العنبوري', '<p>النظام السياسي واحتمالات الانهيارالنظام السياسي واحتمالات الانهيارالنظام السياسي واحتمالات الانهيارالنظام السياسي واحتمالات الانهيارالنظام السياسي واحتمالات الانهيارالنظام السياسي واحتمالات الانهيارالنظام السياسي واحتمالات الانهيارالنظام السياسي واحتمالات الانهيارالنظام السياسي واحتمالات الانهيارالنظام السياسي واحتمالات الانهيارالنظام السياسي واحتمالات الانهيار</p>', NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, 6),
(10, 'en', 'political system and the potential for collapse', 'political system and the potential for collapse', '', 'Abbas Al-Anbouri', '<p>political system and the potential for collapsepolitical system and the potential for collapsepolitical system and the potential for collapsepolitical system and the potential for collapsepolitical system and the potential for collapsepolitical system and the potential for collapsepolitical system and the potential for collapsepolitical system and the potential for collapse</p>', NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, 6),
(11, 'ar', 'عراق .. ما بعد الاحتجاجات الكُرد في دائرة الاحتجاجات الشعبية العالَم قبل جائحة كورونا وبعدها', 'عراق .. ما بعد الاحتجاجات الكُرد في دائرة الاحتجاجات الشعبية العالَم قبل جائحة كورونا وبعدها', '', 'عباس العنبوري', '<p>عراق .. ما بعد الاحتجاجات الكُرد في دائرة الاحتجاجات الشعبية العالَم قبل جائحة كورونا وبعدهاعراق .. ما بعد الاحتجاجات الكُرد في دائرة الاحتجاجات الشعبية العالَم قبل جائحة كورونا وبعدهاعراق .. ما بعد الاحتجاجات الكُرد في دائرة الاحتجاجات الشعبية العالَم قبل جائحة كورونا وبعدهاعراق .. ما بعد الاحتجاجات الكُرد في دائرة الاحتجاجات الشعبية العالَم قبل جائحة كورونا وبعدهاعراق .. ما بعد الاحتجاجات الكُرد في دائرة الاحتجاجات الشعبية العالَم قبل جائحة كورونا وبعدهاعراق .. ما بعد الاحتجاجات الكُرد في دائرة الاحتجاجات الشعبية العالَم قبل جائحة كورونا وبعدهاعراق .. ما بعد الاحتجاجات الكُرد في دائرة الاحتجاجات الشعبية العالَم قبل جائحة كورونا وبعدهاعراق .. ما بعد الاحتجاجات الكُرد في دائرة الاحتجاجات الشعبية العالَم قبل جائحة كورونا وبعدها</p>', NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, 7),
(12, 'en', 'Iraq .. After the protests, the Kurds in the circle of popular protests around the world, before and after the Corona pandemic', 'Iraq .. After the protests, the Kurds in the circle of popular protests around the world, before and after the Corona pandemic', '', 'Abbas Al-Anbouri', '<p>Iraq .. After the protests, the Kurds in the circle of popular protests around the world, before and after the Corona pandemicIraq .. After the protests, the Kurds in the circle of popular protests around the world, before and after the Corona pandemicIraq .. After the protests, the Kurds in the circle of popular protests around the world, before and after the Corona pandemicIraq .. After the protests, the Kurds in the circle of popular protests around the world, before and after the Corona pandemicIraq .. After the protests, the Kurds in the circle of popular protests around the world, before and after the Corona pandemic</p>', NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, 7),
(13, 'ar', 'هل تتخلَّص حكومة الكاظمي من الأزمة الثلاثية ؟', 'اتكأ النظام السياسي في العراق بعد العام 2003 على ركيزتين: الاولى ،التداول السلمي للسلطة المبتني على التعددية الحزبية والانتخابات الحرة المعبرة عن ارادة الشعب في اختيار ممثليه. والثانية: حرية التعبير ع....', '', 'د. عباس العنبوري', '<p style=\"text-align: center;\"><span style=\"font-size: 14pt;\"><strong>ركيزتان .. وماذا؟!</strong></span></p>\r\n<p>&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p>اتكأ النظام السياسي في العراق بعد العام 2003 على ركيزتين: الاولى ،التداول السلمي للسلطة المبتني على التعددية الحزبية والانتخابات الحرة المعبرة عن ارادة الشعب في اختيار ممثليه. والثانية: حرية التعبير عن الرأي والمتمثلة بحرية الصحافة والنشر والتظاهر السلمي. ورغم ان الجدل الاجتماعي في المقارنة بين مرحلتي \"قبل وبعد\" التغيير لم تُحسم في تقييم جوانب مختلفة في الامن والخدمات والاقتصاد وهيبة الدولة ومؤسساتها، الا ان هاتان الركيزتان -التداول السلمي للسلطة وحرية التعبير- ظلتا اكبر منجزات مرحلة التغيير والعكازة التي يتكئ عليها مؤيدوه ومناصروه، معتبرين انهما الاساس في بناء الدولة العصرية التي يتطلع لها العراقيون في مستقبلهم. فالضعف الواضح في مؤسسات (دولة) ما بعد التغيير وفقدان قدرتها على بسط الامن وتوفير الخدمات الاساسية لم يفقدها الكثير من مشروعية الاستمرار والديمومة ما دامت الضربات لم تستهدف ركيزتا النظام السياسي. وبذلك مرت تجربة الحرب الطائفية واحتجاجات 2010 و2015 واحتلال داعش لثلث مساحة العراق في العام 2014 دون مخاوف حقيقية من انهيار كيان الدولة الهش. الا ان ناقوس الخطر الحقيقي دق حين واجهت الدولة انحساراً هائلاً في المشاركة الشعبية في انتخابات 2018 والذي نتج عن يئس كبير لدى قطاعات شعبية واسعة من امكانية احداث تغيير حقيقي لظروف الحياة التي يعيشونها من خلال صناديق الاقتراع. ففقد نظام (الدولة) المتداعي احدى دعائمه وسار بقدمٍ واحدةٍ عنوانها حفاظه على (حرية التعبير) والتي كفلها دستوره الدائم. كل ذلك في غفلة واضحة من طبقة سياسيةٍ لا تقرأ، ولا تدرك حجم الخطر الداهم، ما خلا بعض الحالات الفردية الخاصة.&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p>وبعد ان سار النظام المتوجس الهوينا في حكومة عبد المهدي، استُهدفت جموع المحتجين المطالبين بتحسين الظروف المعيشية والوظائف بنيران \"طرف ثالث\" كما صرحت الحكومة. تزامن معها استهدافات لناشطين مدنيين واصحاب رأي على مواقع التواصل الاجتماعي بالقتل والاختطاف. فاسهمت اطرافٌ دولية تمتلك الادوات الاعلامية في تسليط الضوء على هذه الخروقات غير المبررة لتحطيم ما تبقى من مشروعية النظام ومكانته وتأييده الشعبي المنحسر اصلاً. وذلك تعبيراً عن عدم رضاها &ndash;المبطن- على انفتاح الحكومة العراقية على اطراف دولية اخرى دون ضمانات حقيقية لمصالحها. ولم تتمتع الاطراف السياسية المشاركة في الحكومة بالمرونة الكافية لأستنفار طاقاتها في استيعاب الحدث والتعاطي معه بحرفية وذكاء. وساعد في ذلك تشتت الخطاب السياسي وقلة الخبرة، وتضارب المصالح، وتواكل الاطراف السياسية بعضها على البعض الآخر في ايجاد مخرج لنفق الاحتجاجات.</p>\r\n<p>&nbsp;ولم يتبقَّ الا خيار اللحظة الأخيرة لتحقيق التوازن ومنع الانزلاق الى الانهيار الكلي والمتمثل بمرجعية النجف الاشرف. فكان دورها الاساس خلال حركة الاحتجاجات يتمثل في الحفاظ على الدعامتين في تحييد المطالب الاحتجاجية بمطلب اساس يتمثل في اعادة مشروعية النظام السياسي بانتخابات مبكرة وفق نظام ومفوضية انتخابية جديدة. يقابل ذلك رعاية حق المواطن في التظاهر والتعبير عن الرأي من خلال المطالبة بمحاسبة المتسببين في عمليات القتل والاختطاف.&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p>وفي تلك الظروف الحرجة ولدت حكومة الكاظمي لتواجه ازمة ماليةً خانقةً ووباءً عالمياً متفشياً. الا ان التحدي الاساس لن يكون سوى اعادة اعادة المشروعية للنظام السياسي والمحافظة على المصالح العليا للبلاد في التهيئة لانتخابات يُمثّل الناخب فيها بشكل حقيقي، ويستعيد فيها حريته في التعبير بعيداً عن استهدافات \"الطرف الثالث\". فهل ستدرك الاطراف المشاركة في الحكم حقيقةً اننا على شفير الهاوية، وانها الفرصة الاخيرة؟ هذا ما ستكشفه الشهور القادمة.</p>', NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, 8),
(14, 'en', 'Will Al-Kazemi\'s government get rid of the triple crisis?', 'The political system in Iraq after 2003 relied on two pillars: the first, the peaceful transfer of power based on partisan pluralism and free elections that express the will of the people to choose th....', '', 'Dr. Abbas Al-Anbouri', '<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: center;\"><span style=\"font-size: 14pt;\"><strong>Two pillars.. and what?!</strong></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">The political system in Iraq after 2003 relied on two pillars: the first, the peaceful transfer of power based on partisan pluralism and free elections that express the will of the people to choose their representatives. The second: freedom of expression, represented by the freedom of the press, publication and peaceful demonstration. Although the social debate in the comparison between the &ldquo;before and after&rdquo; phases of change has not been resolved in evaluating various aspects of security, services, the economy, and the prestige of the state and its institutions, these two pillars - the peaceful transfer of power and freedom of expression - have remained the greatest achievements of the phase of change and the crutch on which its supporters and advocates rely. Considering that they are the basis for building the modern state that the Iraqis aspire to in their future. The obvious weakness in post-change (state) institutions and the loss of their ability to extend security and provide basic services did not make them lose much of the legitimacy of continuity and permanence as long as the strikes did not target the two pillars of the political system. Thus, the experience of sectarian war, the protests of 2010 and 2015, and the occupation of a third of Iraq by ISIS in 2014 passed without real fears of the collapse of the fragile state entity. However, the real alarm sounded when the state faced a massive decline in popular participation in the 2018 elections, which resulted from great despair among large popular sectors of the possibility of making a real change to the conditions of life in which they live through the ballot box. The crumbling (state) system lost one of its pillars and proceeded with one foot, the title of which was preserving (freedom of expression), which was guaranteed by its permanent constitution. All of this is due to the clear heedlessness of a political class that does not read or realize the imminent danger, except for some special individual cases.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">And after the apprehensive regime in Abdul-Mahdi\'s government moved in, crowds of protesters calling for better living conditions and jobs were targeted by \"third parties\", as the government declared. It coincided with the targeting of civil activists and opinion-makers on social media, with murder and kidnapping. International parties that possess media tools have contributed to shedding light on these unjustified violations in order to destroy what remains of the regime\'s legitimacy, status and popular support, which is already waning. This is an expression of its implicit dissatisfaction with the Iraqi government\'s openness to other international parties without real guarantees for its interests. The political parties participating in the government did not have enough flexibility to mobilize their energies in absorbing the event and dealing with it professionally and intelligently. The dispersion of political discourse, lack of experience, conflict of interests, and the dependence of political parties on one another helped in finding a way out of the protest tunnel.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp; There is only a last-minute option left to achieve balance and prevent slipping into total collapse, which is the reference of the honorable Najaf. Its main role during the protest movement was represented in preserving the two pillars in neutralizing the protest demands with a basic demand represented in restoring the legitimacy of the political system through early elections according to a new system and electoral commission. This corresponds to caring for the citizen\'s right to demonstrate and express his opinion by demanding accountability for those responsible for the killings and kidnappings.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">In those critical circumstances, the Al-Kazemi government was born to face a stifling financial crisis and a spreading global epidemic. However, the main challenge will not be anything other than restoring the legitimacy of the political system and preserving the supreme interests of the country in preparing for elections in which the voter will be truly represented, and in which the voter will regain their freedom of expression away from the targets of the \"third party\". Will the parties participating in the government realize the fact that we are on the brink of the abyss, and that it is the last chance? This is what the coming months will reveal.</p>', NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, 8),
(15, 'ar', 'السياسة الخارجية العراقية', 'سمت المادة (8) من الدستور العراقي لعام 2005 مسار السياسة الخارجية الوطنية على أربعة أسس، نستطيع أن نعبّر عنها بأنَّها الأسس الأربعة في السياسة الخارجية، وه...', '', 'د. عباس العنبوري', '<p style=\"text-align: center;\"><span style=\"font-size: 14pt;\"><strong>السياسة الخارجية.. غياب معايير التقييم</strong></span></p>\r\n<p>رسمت المادة (8) من الدستور العراقي لعام 2005 مسار السياسة الخارجية الوطنية على أربعة أسس، نستطيع أن نعبّر عنها بأنَّها الأسس الأربعة في السياسة الخارجية، وهي:&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p>1.<span style=\"white-space: pre;\"> </span>حسن الجوار وعدم التدخل في الشؤون الداخلية للدول الأخرى.</p>\r\n<p>2.<span style=\"white-space: pre;\"> </span>حلّ النزاعات بالوسائل السلمية.</p>\r\n<p>3.<span style=\"white-space: pre;\"> </span>إقامة العلاقات على أساس المصالح المشتركة والتعامل بالمثل.</p>\r\n<p>4.<span style=\"white-space: pre;\"> </span>احترام الالتزامات الدولية.&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p>وقد التزمت الحكومات العراقية المتعاقبة منذ ذلك التاريخ وحتى يومنا هذا بالأسس الخمسة إلى حدٍّ كبيرٍ رغم كل ما شاب أداءها في نواحٍ أخرى من تلكؤ وفشل. وعندما نؤشر هنا التزام تلك الحكومات بالمبادئ أعلاه، فإنَّنا لا نعفيها من مسؤولية الفشل والضعف في تنفيذ السياسة الخارجية ممثلة بضعف الأداء الدبلوماسي. وهنا محل الخلط والاشتباه لكثير من الكُتَّاب والإعلاميين الذين يتحدّثون في السياسة الخارجية ولا يميّزون بينها وبين الدبلوماسية. وبكلمة مختصرة: إنَّ السياسة الخارجية هي الإطار النظري لرؤية الحكومة في تعاملاتها خارج حدودها، أما الدبلوماسية فهي الذراع التنفيذية التي تحوّل تلك الرؤى إلى نتائج قابلة للقياس والتقييم من خلال مخرجات الأداء الدبلوماسي. فعلى مستوى الرؤية مثلاً، التزم العراق بعلاقات طيبة وقوية ومتينة مع دولٍ متضادَّة بل ومتحاربة. كالولايات المتحدة الاميركية و\"بعض\" حلفائها في الشرق الأوسط من جهة والجمهورية الإسلامية الإيرانية والدول المتحالفة معها من جهةٍ أخرى. وقد التزمت الحكومة العراقية &ndash; على سبيل المثال - عبر ممثليها الرسميين بتحفظاتها على البيانات التي تصدر عن الاجتماعات والقمم الإسلامية والعربية التي تستهدف العداء لإيران، بل ولم تستسلم للضغوط التي مورست لجعل العراق طرفاً في معادلة الصراع وكان آخرها اعتراض العراق على البيان الختامي الذي صدر عن القمة العربية الطارئة التي عقدت في مكة أواسط العام 2019 الذي ندّد في صيغته الختامية بما عبّر عنه بـ\"التدخل الإيراني في المنطقة\". وفي مقابل ذلك، فإنَّ الموقف الرسمي الحكومي لم يستجب لضغوط أطراف محور المقاومة في الداخل العراقي للوقوف في خندق المواجهة والاستعداء لأميركا. ورغم أنَّنا لسنا في معرض تقييم صحة الإطار النظري المحكوم دستورياً للسياسة الخارجية، فهو أمر موكول للباحثين المختصين المتضاربين في آرائهم بشأن جدوى الحياد وأهمية عدم الدخول في محور أو تحالف سياسي وأمني وعسكري يقابله تحالف آخر متساوٍ أو متوازٍ في القوة والتأثير. الا أنَّ من حقّنا أن نؤشّر غياب معايير القياس والتقييم لمعرفة من هي الدول الأقرب للعراق والأنفع؛ لا على أساس الأهواء والايديولوجيات التي تحكم المشهد الدولي وحسب بل على أسس معيارية علمية تأخذ في حساباتها انعكاسات أهمية تلك العلاقات &ndash; كل دولة بحسبها - على الداخل العراقي، اقتصادياً وأمنياً وثقافياً. وبذلك علينا أن نقف ملياً لقراءة أثر اللجنة الثلاثية (مصر- العراق- الاردن)، وتكثيف الزيارات مع العربية السعودية والاردن، وهكذا مع كل من تركيا وإيران وأميركا. وما دمنا نقف أمام مؤشرات القياس، فمن الضرورة الملحة أن تقف الخارجية العراقية وقفةً جادةً في المقارنة بين نشاط محموم لممثلي البعثات الدبلوماسية العاملين في العراق، الذين يعقدون عشرات الاجتماعات في الشهر الواحد مع سياسيين وإعلاميين ومراكز دراسات وناشطين، يقابله كسلٌ واضحٌ لممثلي بعثاتنا الدبلوماسية المقيمين في دول مهمة ومؤثرة، فضلاً عن ذلك ما زال بعض دبلوماسيينا يعملون بالضدّ من المصلحة الوطنية. ويعقدون لقاءاتٍ سريةً يتشكّون فيها من النظام السياسي الذي يمثلونه، دون إجراءات حازمة ورادعة لمحاسبة أمثال هؤلاء؛ يقابلها تثمين حقيقي لجهود نظرائهم من أصحاب الهمم العالية والروح الوطنية.</p>', NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, 9),
(16, 'en', 'Iraqi foreign policy', 'Article (8) of the Iraqi Constitution of 2005 charted the path of national foreign policy on four bases, which we can express as the four foundations of foreign policy, name.....', '', 'Dr. Abbas Al-Anbouri', '<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: center;\"><span style=\"font-size: 14pt;\"><strong>Foreign policy.. Absence of evaluation criteria</strong></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">Article (8) of the Iraqi Constitution of 2005 charted the path of national foreign policy on four bases, which we can express as the four foundations of foreign policy, namely:</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">1. Good neighborliness and non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">2. Resolve disputes by peaceful means.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">3. Establishing relations on the basis of common interests and reciprocity.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">4. Respect for international obligations.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">The successive Iraqi governments, since that date until today, have adhered to the five foundations to a large extent, despite all the lagging and failure of their performance in other respects. And when we indicate here the commitment of those governments to the above principles, we do not absolve them of responsibility for failure and weakness in implementing foreign policy represented by weak diplomatic performance. Here is the place of confusion and suspicion for many writers and media professionals who talk about foreign policy and do not distinguish between it and diplomacy. In short: foreign policy is the theoretical framework for the government\'s vision in its dealings outside its borders, while diplomacy is the executive arm that transforms those visions into results that can be measured and evaluated through the outputs of diplomatic performance. At the level of the vision, for example, Iraq committed itself to good, strong and solid relations with opposing and even warring countries. Such as the United States of America and &ldquo;some&rdquo; of its allies in the Middle East on the one hand, and the Islamic Republic of Iran and its allied countries on the other hand. For example, the Iraqi government, through its official representatives, has committed itself to its reservations about statements issued by Islamic and Arab meetings and summits that target hostility to Iran. It has not even succumbed to the pressures exerted to make Iraq a party to the conflict equation, the latest of which was Iraq\'s objection to the final statement issued by the summit. The Arab Emergency Conference held in Mecca in mid-2019, in which it denounced, in its closing form, what it described as \"Iranian interference in the region.\" On the other hand, the official government position did not respond to the pressures of the parties of the resistance axis inside Iraq to stand in the trench of confrontation and antagonize America. Although we are not in the process of evaluating the validity of the constitutionally governed theoretical framework for foreign policy, it is a matter entrusted to specialized researchers with conflicting opinions regarding the feasibility of neutrality and the importance of not entering into a political, security and military axis or alliance that is matched by another alliance of equal or parallel power and influence. However, we have the right to point out the absence of measurement and evaluation criteria to know which countries are closest to Iraq and the most beneficial. Not only on the basis of whims and ideologies that govern the international scene, but also on scientific normative foundations that take into account the repercussions of the importance of those relations - each country according to it - on the Iraqi interior, economically, security and culturally. Thus, we must stand carefully to read the impact of the tripartite commission (Egypt-Iraq-Jordan), and intensify visits with Saudi Arabia and Jordan, and so on with each of Turkey, Iran and America. As long as we stand in front of measurement indicators, it is urgently necessary for the Iraqi Foreign Ministry to take a serious stance in comparing the frantic activity of representatives of diplomatic missions working in Iraq, who hold dozens of meetings per month with politicians, media professionals, study centers and activists, matched by the clear laziness of the representatives of our diplomatic missions residing in Important and influential countries. In addition, some of our diplomats are still working against the national interest. They hold secret meetings in which they complain about the political system they represent, without firm and deterrent measures to hold such people accountable. It is matched by a real appreciation for the efforts of their counterparts of high determination and patriotic spirit.</p>', NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, 9),
(17, 'ar', 'الانتخابات المبكرة', 'تعرّض النظام السياسي في العراق برمّته إلى احتمالات الانهيار بعد اندلاع احتجاجات تشرين في العام 2019م. وهذا ما حذّر منه مركزنا (رواق بغداد) في العدد الأول من مجلة (الرواق)، والذ.....', '', 'د. عباس العنبوري', '<p style=\"text-align: center;\"><span style=\"font-size: 18pt;\"><strong>الانتخابات.. حلول جذرية&nbsp;</strong></span></p>\r\n<p>تعرّض النظام السياسي في العراق برمّته إلى احتمالات الانهيار بعد اندلاع احتجاجات تشرين في العام 2019م. وهذا ما حذّر منه مركزنا (رواق بغداد) في العدد الأول من مجلة (الرواق)، والذي حمل عنوان (العراق واحتمالات الانهيار). ولم يكن الأمر يتطلّب خوارقاً باراسايكولوجية، أو حنكة هنري كيسنجر، أو نعوم تشومسكي؛ للكشف عن تأثير الفجوة التي ضربت النظام السياسي ففصلته عن الجماهير المؤيّدة لاستمراره وديمومته. وهو الأمر الذي ينبئ عن تداعياتٍ خطيرةٍ، ومشاكلَ كبيرةٍ، تتطلّب حلولاً حقيقيةً لأزمة النظام؛ لذا من السذاجة - في تصوّري - أن نربط الاحتجاجات بحكومة عادل عبد المهدي بمعزلٍ عن كشف وتحليل الصورة الكبيرة للأحداث، وليس ذلك دفاعاً عن حكومة عبد المهدي، أو تنزيهاً لها من الأخطاء، ولا إغفالاً عن الأسباب الدولية المحفزة للاحتجاجات وتداعياتها، كالتمويل الأجنبي، والتحريك الإعلامي، وتعقيدات المشهد الدولي وتأثيرها على الداخل العراقي، وفي مقدّمتها فرض العقوبات الاقتصادية على إيران، ووقوع العراق - من الناحية الجيوسياسية - في مواجهة سياسة الضغوط القصوى (maximum pressure) على إيران، والتي فرضها الرئيس السابق ترامب.&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p>وبذلك نستطيع فهم التوقيت الخاطئ الذي جاءت فيه حكومة عادل عبد المهدي، وحملت على أكتافها أزمة نظام الحكم، لا أزمة الحكومات السابقة فحسب. وهكذا، عندما يقع الخيار بين التضحية بالحكم أو التضحية بالحكومة، فإنّ الأسهل عند ذلك هو التضحية بالحكومة؛ لحفظ نظام الحكم؛ لذا مارست المرجعية الدينية العليا في النجف الأشرف تنفسّاً اصطناعياً اضطرارياً في جسد نظام الحكم، اعتمد على التضحية بالحكومة من خلال التلميح لها بالاستقالة من جهة، والدعوة لانتخاباتٍ مبكرةٍ وما يستلزمها من تشكيل محكمةٍ اتحاديةٍ ومفوضية انتخاباتٍ جديدتين، فضلاً عن حثّ الجماهير والنخب لنظم شؤونها، وخوض معترك السياسة والحكم إذا ما أرادت التغيير.</p>\r\n<p>ولكن يبقى السؤال الذي يلحّ على العراقيين: هل ستكون الانتخابات حلاًّ لمشاكلهم؟ فبالرغم من أنّ النظام الانتخابي الذي كان حصيلة الاحتجاجات قد حاز على تأييدٍ جماهيريٍّ ملحوظٍ على شبكات التواصل الاجتماعي، إلّا أنّ التجربة ستبقى كفيلةً في تبيان مدى نجاحه وقدرته على استيلاد برلمان وحكومة يتمتعان بالقدرة على حلّ الأزمات التي تعصف بالعراق اقتصادياً واجتماعياً وخدمياً.&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p>فالنظام الانتخابي القائم على الترشيح الفردي في الدوائر الصغيرة سينتج نواباً أكثر تركيزاً على مناطقهم، وأقلّ اهتماماً بالمشاكل العامة؛ إذ سيكون همّهم الأساس إرضاء ناخبيهم في دائرتهم الصغيرة المحدودة. فرضا الناخب هو المناط في استجلاب الأصوات في الانتخابات التي تليها. كما أنّ كلّ واحدٍ من المرشّحين الفائزين سيكون &ndash; غالباً - أكثر قوةً من كتلته التي رشّحته في الدائرة الانتخابية؛ لأنّ المعيار الأساس في نجاحه&nbsp; هو قدرته على إقناع الناخبين، والحصول على الأصوات، بغضّ النظر عن الكتلة وتوجّهاتها. وبذلك ستضعف قدرة قيادة الكتلة في السيطرة على توجّهات نوّابها. وهو الأمر الذي قد يصعّب من قدرة مجلس النواب القادم على تشكيل حكومة ضمن التوقيتات الدستورية المحدّدة. وبذلك ستستمر حكومة السيد الكاظمي في تصريف الأعمال لمدةٍ قد لا تكون قصيرة، لحين تشكيل حكومةٍ جديدة. وهو ما لا يريده العراقيون، وقد يهدّد الاستقرار الداخلي في البلد كلّه، لا سمح الله.</p>\r\n<p>نعم، سيكون للمشاركة الانتخابية الواسعة دورٌ كبيرٌ في رسم شكل مجلس النواب والحكومة القادمة. وهو ما تشير له استطلاعات الرأي التي قام بها (رواق بغداد)، من أنّها - أي الانتخابات - ستحظى بمشاركةٍ أوسع من السابقة، على عكس ما تروّج له بعض وسائل الإعلام، سيّما الفئات العمرية التي تتراوح بين 18-30 سنة. الأمر الذي يدعونا للتفاؤل في استعادة النظام السياسي لمشروعيته الجماهيرية، من خلال بثّ دماءٍ جديدةٍ للمشاركة بشكلٍ أكبر.&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p>وما علينا - كنخبٍ عاملةٍ في حقول المعرفة، وتضطلع بمسؤوليةٍ كبيرةٍ - هو كشف الحقيقة دون مواربة، وتوعية أفراد المجتمع، وتحديد سقف توقّعاتنا، في ضوء الواقع المتشابك؛ لنتجنّب عواصف الإحباط التي تحيق بنا من كلّ جانبٍ</p>', NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, 10),
(18, 'en', 'The election premature', 'The entire political system in Iraq was exposed to the prospect of collapse after the outbreak of the October protests in 2019. This is what our center (Riwaq Bag.....', '', 'Dr. Abbas Al-Anbouri', '<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: center;\"><span style=\"font-size: 18pt;\"><strong>Elections.. radical solutions</strong></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">The entire political system in Iraq was exposed to the prospect of collapse after the outbreak of the October protests in 2019. This is what our center (Riwaq Baghdad) warned about in the first issue of (Al-Riwaq) magazine, which bore the title (Iraq and the Possibilities of Collapse). It did not require parapsychology, or the sophistication of Henry Kissinger, or Noam Chomsky; To reveal the impact of the gap that struck the political system, separating it from the masses supporting its continuation and permanence. This indicates serious repercussions and major problems that require real solutions to the crisis of the regime. Therefore, it is naive - in my opinion - to link the protests to the government of Adel Abdul-Mahdi in isolation from exposing and analyzing the big picture of events, and this is not a defense of Abdul-Mahdi\'s government, or impartiality to it from mistakes, nor ignoring the international reasons that motivate the protests and their repercussions, such as foreign funding and media mobilization. , and the complexities of the international scene and its impact on the Iraqi interior, foremost of which is the imposition of economic sanctions on Iran, and the occurrence of Iraq - from a geopolitical point of view - in the face of the policy of maximum pressure (maximum pressure) on Iran, which was imposed by former President Trump.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">Thus, we can understand the wrong timing in which the government of Adel Abdul-Mahdi came, and carried on its shoulders the crisis of the regime, not just the crisis of previous governments. Thus, when the choice is made between sacrificing the government or sacrificing the government, then the easiest is to sacrifice the government; to preserve the system of government; Therefore, the Supreme Religious Authority in Najaf practiced forced artificial respiration in the body of the ruling regime, which relied on sacrificing the government by hinting at it to resign on the one hand, and calling for early elections and the necessary formation of a new federal court and election commission, as well as urging the masses and elites to organize their affairs, and to fight The arena of politics and governance if they want change.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">However, the pressing question for the Iraqis remains: Will the elections be a solution to their problems? Although the electoral system, which was the outcome of the protests, won remarkable public support on social networks, experience will still be sufficient to show the extent of its success and its ability to generate a parliament and government that have the ability to solve the economic, social and service crises afflicting Iraq.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">An electoral system based on individual candidacy in small districts will produce representatives who are more focused on their regions and less concerned with public problems. Their main concern will be to satisfy their constituents in their small, limited constituency. Presumably, the voter is responsible for attracting votes in the elections that follow. Also, each of the winning candidates will be - often - more powerful than the bloc that nominated him in the constituency; Because the main criterion for his success is his ability to convince voters and obtain votes, regardless of the bloc and its orientations. Thus, the ability of the bloc leadership to control the directions of its deputies will be weakened. This may make it difficult for the next parliament to form a government within the specified constitutional times. Thus, Mr. Al-Kazemi\'s government will continue to conduct business for a period that may not be short, until a new government is formed. This is what the Iraqis do not want, and may threaten the internal stability of the entire country, God forbid.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">Yes, broad electoral participation will play a major role in shaping the shape of the parliament and the next government. This is what the opinion polls conducted by the (Baghdad Riwaq) indicate that it - that is, the elections - will have a wider participation than the previous one, contrary to what some media outlets are promoting, especially the age groups ranging between 18-30 years. Which calls for optimism that the political system will restore its public legitimacy, by injecting new blood to participate more.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">What we have to do - as elites working in the fields of knowledge and shouldering a great responsibility - is to reveal the truth without equivocation, educate members of society, and define the ceiling of our expectations, in light of the intertwined reality. Let\'s avoid the storms of frustration that surround us from every side</p>', NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, 10),
(19, 'ar', 'لماذا من غير المحتمل أن تغيّر الانتخابات المقبلة اللعبة؟', 'واجه العمل الحزبي في العراق تحدياتٍ كبيرةً، بعضها ثقافي- اجتماعي تضرب جذوره في أعماق ذهنية الفرد العراقي، ويتمثّل في غياب التجربة الحزبية لعقود طويلة، وبالتالي غياب تقاليد الع...', '', 'د. عباس العنبوري', '<p style=\"text-align: center;\"><span style=\"font-size: 18pt;\"><strong>العمل الحزبي.. المحاولة والاستدامة</strong></span></p>\r\n<p>يواجه العمل الحزبي في العراق تحدياتٍ كبيرةً، بعضها ثقافي- اجتماعي تضرب جذوره في أعماق ذهنية الفرد العراقي، ويتمثّل في غياب التجربة الحزبية لعقود طويلة، وبالتالي غياب تقاليد العمل الحزبي من حيث المفاهيم والأفكار وتـأسيس ثقافة العمل الحزبي في إرساء مناهج الديموقراطية داخل الحزب وجدّية التعامل مع تحقيق الأهداف الحزبية، لتكون غالبةً (ولو ظاهرياً) على تحقيق المصالح الشخصية أو العائلية. وقد خلقت التجربة الحزبية بعد العام 2003 أثراً ارتدادياً مضاعفاً في انكفاء المجتمع عن المشاركة في العمل الحزبي وتقديم المبادرات لتأسيس أحزابٍ جديدةٍ، بدلاً من أن تكون بدايةً لتكوين عملٍ حزبيٍّ على أٌسس ومناهج وطنية تتطور وتنمو بتراكم التجربة وتلاقح الأفكار مع تجارب حزبية أخرى قريبة أو بعيدة عن العراق.&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p>وقد آلت محاولة المرجعية الدينية في النجف في دعم المستقلين عبر تشكيل كتلة (مستقلون) في إطار الائتلاف العراقي الموحد في العام 2004 إلى الذوبان في مشاريع سياسية لمصالح يغلب عليها الطموح الشخصي لبعض قادة الكتلة. الأمر الذي حال - بحسب تصوري الشخصي - دون تقديم المرجعية الدينية لمحاولاتٍ أخرى. فاستبدلته بالتشجيع على تقديم مشاريع حزبية جديدة على أسس وطنية يمكنها أن تكون بديلاً عن الأحزاب التقليدية التي أدارت الدولة خلال الأعوام الماضية حتى اندلاع احتجاجات تشرين الأول من العام 2019.&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p>وفي السياق ذاته، أكدت المرجعية دعوتها لـ\"النخب الفكرية والكفاءات الوطنية الراغبة في العمل السياسي لتنظيم صفوفها للنهوض بالبلد، وحلّ مشاكله المتفاقمة في إطار خططٍ عمليّةٍ مدروسةٍ\" وذلك في خطبة الجمعة التي قُرئت في الصحن الحسيني على لسان الشيخ عبد المهدي الكربلائي في 20/ كانون الأول / 2019.&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p>إذ كان من أبرز النتائج التي خرجت بها احتجاجات تشرين تأسيس عددٍ من الأحزاب والحركات السياسية التي اتّسمت بشعارات وطنية يغلب عليها الطابع المدني أو العلماني، ويغيب عنها الطابع الإسلامي والديني، وتتميّز على قياداتها بتنوّعها الطائفي والقومي - في أحيان أخرى -. إلا أنّه من غير المتوقع أن تحصل تلك الأحزاب على حظوظٍ كبيرةٍ من التمثيل في مجلس النواب المقبل؛ بسبب قدرة الأحزاب التقليدية على تنظيم أنفسها في إطار قانون الدوائر المتعددة وخبرتها في كسب الأصوات، فضلاً عن التباين في الإمكانات المالية الكبيرة التي كشفتها طبيعة الحملات الانتخابية للفريقين التقليدي والجديد. وستكمن المفارقة في حقيقة وجود مشروعٍ سياسيٍّ حقيقيٍّ من عدمه، من خلال ما ستكشفه الأيام من قدرة الأحزاب الجديدة على الثبات والاستدامة في الحفاظ على وتيرة عملٍ سياسيٍّ لا توقفه احتمالية الفشل في الانتخابات، وهو ما لا أتوقعه لدى الأعمّ الأغلب منها؛ إذ ستكتفي معظمها بالاعتراف بعدم القدرة على التغيير، ولعن الأحزاب الفاسدة التي أمسكت بمقاليد الحكم، وسيبقى العمل الحزبي كسائر الأنشطة المؤسسية في العراق ضحية الاكتفاء بالمحاولة، دون وجود حسّ المطاولة والاستدامة &ndash; غالباً -، وهذا ما لا نتمناه!</p>', NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, 11),
(20, 'en', 'Why is it unlikely Will the next election change the game?', 'Partisan work in Iraq faces great challenges, some of which are cultural and social, whose roots lie in the depths of the Iraqi individual’s mentality. This is represented in the abse.....', '', 'Dr. Abbas Al-Anbouri', '<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: center;\"><strong><span style=\"font-size: 18pt;\">Partisan work.. Attempt and sustainability</span></strong></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">Partisan work in Iraq faces great challenges, some of which are cultural and social, whose roots lie in the depths of the Iraqi individual&rsquo;s mentality. This is represented in the absence of partisan experience for decades, and thus the absence of traditions of partisan work in terms of concepts and ideas and the establishment of a culture of partisan work in establishing methods of democracy within the party and the seriousness of dealing with it. Achieving partisan goals, so that they prevail (albeit outwardly) over achieving personal or family interests. The partisan experience after 2003 created a double regressive effect in society&rsquo;s reluctance to participate in partisan work and to offer initiatives to establish new parties, instead of it being the beginning of forming partisan work on national foundations and approaches that develop and grow with the accumulation of experience and the cross-pollination of ideas with other partisan experiences near or far from it. Iraq.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">The attempt of the religious authority in Najaf to support the independents by forming a bloc (independents) within the framework of the United Iraqi Coalition in 2004 resulted in dissolution in political projects of interests dominated by the personal ambition of some of the bloc\'s leaders. This prevented, according to my personal perception, the provision of religious authority for other attempts. Instead, it encouraged the presentation of new party projects on a national basis that could serve as an alternative to the traditional parties that ran the state during the past years until the outbreak of the October 2019 protests.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">In the same context, the religious authority confirmed its call to \"the intellectual elites and national competencies desiring political action to organize their ranks for the advancement of the country, and to solve its escalating problems within the framework of well-studied practical plans,\" in the Friday sermon read in the al-Hussaini shrine by Sheikh Abd al-Mahdi al-Karbalai on January 20. First / 2019.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: left;\">As one of the most prominent results of the October protests was the establishment of a number of political parties and movements that were characterized by patriotic slogans that were predominantly civil or secular in nature, and lacked an Islamic and religious character, and were distinguished from their leaders by their sectarian and national diversity - at other times -. However, it is not expected that these parties will gain great chances of representation in the next parliament. Because of the ability of the traditional parties to organize themselves within the framework of the multiple constituency law and their experience in winning votes, as well as the discrepancy in the great financial capabilities revealed by the nature of the electoral campaigns of the two traditional and new parties. The paradox will lie in the fact that there is a real political project or not, through what the days will reveal about the ability of the new parties to be stable and sustainable in maintaining a pace of political action that is not stopped by the possibility of failure in the elections, which I do not expect in the majority of them; Most of them will be satisfied with acknowledging the inability to change, and cursing the corrupt parties that seized the reins of power, and partisan work, like all institutional activities in Iraq, will remain a victim of just trying, without a sense of longevity and sustainability - often -, and this is what we do not wish for!</p>', NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, 11),
(21, 'ar', 'المعارضة السياسية', 'يجري الحديث منذ اعلان نتائج الانتخابات وحتى كتابة هذه السطور عن اهمية وجود معارضة داخل قبة البرلمان. سيما بعد الاصرار الذي ابدته كتلة التيار الصدري في تشكيل حكومة عبرت....', '', 'د. عباس العنبوري', '<p style=\"text-align: center;\"><span style=\"font-size: 18pt;\"><strong>المعارضة .. ثقافة وممارسة&nbsp;</strong></span></p>\r\n<p>&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p>يجري الحديث منذ اعلان نتائج الانتخابات وحتى كتابة هذه السطور عن اهمية وجود معارضة داخل قبة البرلمان. سيما بعد الاصرار الذي ابدته كتلة التيار الصدري في تشكيل حكومة عبرت عنها بانها حكومة اغلبية وطنية. كما وبات من المسلم به، ان معظم او كل الاحزاب الجديدة التي فازت بعدد من المقاعد اذا ما اضفنا لها عدداً آخر من المستقلين ستختار الذهاب الى المعارضة. ليكون العدد الاجمالي المتوقع لنواب المعارضة البرلمانية حوالي (30-35). وهي العمود الفقري لمجموع كتل هي: الجيل الجديد- امتداد- اشراقة كانون، بالاضافة الى بعض النواب المستقلين المنضمين لهم. ان هذا العدد القليل من نواب المعارضة لن يشكل قوةً سياسية لكبح جماح الكتل السياسية التقليدية التي من المتوقع مشاركتها في تشكيل الحكومة. اذا ما اخذنا بنظر الاعتبار التحديين الرئيسيين لقوى المعارضة الجديدة وهما: ضعف الخبرة البرلمانية لدى قوى المعارضة الجديدة، في مقابل خبرات سياسية وبرلمانية متراكمة لدى الاحزاب التقليدية من جهة. وفقدان رؤية جامعة مشتركة وبرنامج شامل يضع جميع هذه الكتل الصغيرة تحت مظلته من جهة اخرى. وبالتأكيد فان هذا لا يعني غض النظر عن امكانية ان تقوم المعارضة -بحساب دور نوابها كأفراد-&nbsp; بدورها التشريعي والرقابي في توجيه اسئلة واستفسارات بل وحتى استجواب السلطة التنفيذية رغم محدودية تأثير&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p>تأثير ذلك مع عدم وجود ائتلاف كبير قادر على التهديد بسحب الثقة من مسؤولي السلطة التنفيذية. اذ تكمن الفكرة من وجود المعارضة في الانظمة البرلمانية الكلاسيكية في قدرتها على تشكيل حكومة ظل تعمل على اسقاط الحكومة القائمة وتقدم نفسها بديلاً عنها اما خلال الدورة البرلمانية او الانتخابات التي تليها. كل ذلك بفرضية وجود معارضة صغيرة لا يتجاوز نسبتها ال 10% من عدد نواب المجلس. اما في حال لجوء الاطار التنسيقي او بعض كتله او كتل أخرى من الكرد والسنة الى المعارضة، فيمكن التوقع بانها- اي المعارضة - من الممكن ان تشكل قوةً اكبر باستطاعتها التنسيق مع الكتل المعارضة الاقل عدداً وخبرةً لاستعراض قدراتها امام الكتل التي ستشكل الحكومة. وهو احتمال غير راجح حتى الآن!&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p>وفي خضم النقاش حول فاعلية واهمية وجود معارضة برلمانية، يجري الحديث عن الاطار النظري والقانوني الذي سيحكم معادلة الحكم بين طرفي (الموالاة- المعارضة) اذا ما فشلت الجهود التي تعمل على تشكيل حكومة مشاركة سياسية واسعة. وفي تصوري ان واحداً من اهم اسباب تعثرات نظامنا السياسي الحالي هو القفز بالتركيز على (الممارسة) واهمال (الثقافة) التي من شأنها ان تؤسس وتسهل عمل الاطر النظرية والقانونية. وهذا ما سبب التلكؤ في حركة نظامنا السياسي وقدرته على انتاج حلول مقنعة ومؤثرة في حياة المواطنين. فقد كان الحديث عن الدستور والانتخابات والديموقراطية في وقت سبق ادراك اهمية كل هذه المفاهيم من خلال خلق ثقافة لها في الوسط الاجتماعي. وكأننا نضع الحصان خلف العربة بدلاً من وضعه امامها. فرغم مساحة التفائل التي يختزنها الكثير من المراقبين في تعديل مسارات العمل البرلماني، الا ان التحدي الاكبر الذي يواجهه منهج المعارضة البرلمانية وضرورته في نظامنا (الديموقراطي)،هو ضعف وجود ثقافة المعارضة في الفهم والسلوك الاجتماعي. ويعود مرد ذلك الى الجذور التأسيسية للأنظمة السياسية المتعاقبة. سيما التي اعقبت الانظمة العسكرية الانقلابية في العام 1958. اذ بني الذهن الاجتماعي العراقي على ثقافة الحزب الواحد، وان لا مساحة لاختلاف الآراء. بل وان المخالفة في الفكر والتوجه والعقيدة تعني المروق عن الوطنية والولاء للحزب والدول. ولذا، فعلى الدولة والمعنيين بنظامها التربوي والتعليمي والثقافي ايضاً ان يولوا اهتماماً بترسيخ ثقافة الاختلاف والمعارضة والاعتراض وقبوله، بل وتشجيعه ايضاً، ولو بطريقة المحاكاة (simulation). وبذلك نربي جيلاً يدرك ان المعارضة جزءٌ ارتكازي ضامن لفاعلية النظام وديناميكيته. وعند ذلك تكون الاطر النظرية والقانونية تحصيل حاصل ونتيجة طبيعية لجهود بناة والعقل الاجتماعي.</p>', NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, 12),
(22, 'en', 'political opposition', 'ince the announcement of the election results until this writing, there has been talk about the importance of having an opposition within the parliament. Especi.....', '', 'Dr. Abbas Al-Anbouri', '<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: center;\"><span style=\"font-size: 14pt;\"><strong>Opposition: culture and practice</strong></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">Since the announcement of the election results until this writing, there has been talk about the importance of having an opposition within the parliament. Especially after the insistence shown by the Sadrist bloc in forming a government that it expressed as a national majority government. As it has become recognized, most or all of the new parties that won a number of seats, if we add to them a number of independents, will choose to go to the opposition. The expected total number of parliamentary opposition deputies is about (30-35). It is the backbone of a group of blocs: Al-Jeel Al-Jadeed-Ittihad-Ishraqa Canon, in addition to some independent MPs joining them. This small number of opposition representatives will not constitute a political force to rein in the traditional political blocs that are expected to participate in forming the government. If we take into account the two main challenges of the new opposition forces, namely: the weakness of the parliamentary experience of the new opposition forces, in contrast to the accumulated political and parliamentary experiences of the traditional parties on the one hand. On the other hand, the loss of a joint comprehensive vision and a comprehensive program puts all these small blocs under its umbrella. Certainly, this does not mean turning a blind eye to the possibility that the opposition - with regard to the role of its deputies as individuals - will play its legislative and oversight role in directing questions and inquiries and even questioning the executive authority, despite its limited influence.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">The effect of this is with no major coalition capable of threatening to impeach executive branch officials. The idea of the opposition\'s existence in the classical parliamentary systems lies in its ability to form a shadow government that works to bring down the existing government and presents itself as an alternative either during the parliamentary session or the elections that follow. All this on the assumption that there is a small opposition that does not exceed 10% of the number of parliament representatives. But in the event that the coordination framework or some of its blocs or other blocs of the Kurds and Sunnis turn to the opposition, it can be expected that they - that is, the opposition - may form a greater force that can coordinate with the opposition blocs that are less in number and experience in order to display their capabilities in front of the blocs that will form the government. It is an unlikely possibility so far!</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">In the midst of the discussion about the effectiveness and importance of having a parliamentary opposition, there is talk about the theoretical and legal framework that will govern the governance equation between the two parties (loyalty-opposition) if efforts to form a government of broad political participation fail. In my opinion, one of the most important reasons for the stumbling blocks of our current political system is jumping with focus on (practice) and neglecting (culture) that would establish and facilitate the work of theoretical and legal frameworks. This is the reason for the delay in the movement of our political system and its ability to produce convincing and effective solutions in the lives of citizens. The discussion was about the constitution, elections and democracy at a time before realizing the importance of all these concepts by creating a culture for them in the social milieu. It is as if we put the horse behind the cart instead of in front of it. Despite the scope of optimism that many observers store in amending the tracks of parliamentary work, the biggest challenge facing the parliamentary opposition approach and its necessity in our (democratic) system is the weakness of the opposition culture in understanding and social behavior. This is due to the founding roots of the successive political systems. Especially that which followed the coup military regimes in 1958. The Iraqi social mind was built on the culture of one party, and that there was no room for differences of opinion. Indeed, dissenting in thought, orientation, and creed means departing from patriotism and loyalty to the party and the states. Therefore, the state and those concerned with its educational and cultural system must also pay attention to consolidating and accepting the culture of difference, opposition and objection, and even encouraging it, albeit through simulation. Thus, we raise a generation that realizes that the opposition is a pivotal part that guarantees the effectiveness and dynamism of the regime. And then the theoretical and legal frameworks will be a foregone conclusion and a natural result of the efforts of the builders and the social mind.</p>', NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, 12);
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(23, 'ar', 'الأمة العراقية النشأة والتكوين', 'لقد كنت أُصارعُ إدارة التحرير في كتابتي لهذا المقال؛ لما للتعاطي مع مفردة (الأُمّة) من شجونٍ وارتباكٍ، حتّى وصلت إلى فرصتي الأخيرة في تأجيل الكتابة. وهنا لا بدّ ممّا ليس م...', '', 'د. عباس العنبوري', '<p style=\"text-align: center;\"><span style=\"font-size: 18pt;\"><strong>أُمّةٌ عراقيةٌ واحدةٌ.. وجماعات ثلاث !</strong></span></p>\r\n<p>&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p>لقد كنت أُصارعُ إدارة التحرير في كتابتي لهذا المقال؛ لما للتعاطي مع مفردة (الأُمّة) من شجونٍ وارتباكٍ، حتّى وصلت إلى فرصتي الأخيرة في تأجيل الكتابة. وهنا لا بدّ ممّا ليس منه بدّ. رغم أنّها &ndash; أي هيئة التحرير- قد كابدت وبذلت الوسع في محاولتها لتفكيك الفكرة والمصطلح، والبحث في جذوره، باستعراض وجهات نظرٍ مختلفةٍ؛ لكشف ما التبس على الفهم، كلُّ ذلك محاولةً منها في تحقيق المضمون بعد تأصيل النظرية. كان ذلك من خلال استكتاب وترجمة الصفوة ممّن كتب فيه وعنه.&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p>إلّا أنّني لا زلت أعتقد أنّ هناك تداخلاً وتعقيداً بين مصطلح (الأُمّة)، سواءٌ أكانت عراقية أم فارسية أم أمريكية وغيرها، وبين مصطلحات أُخرى كـ(الوطنية) أو (الهوية الوطنية). منها على سبيل المثال، تداخل في الماهية وإمكانية التحقّق والتكوّن والتشكّل، في الأسباب والظروف &ndash; أقصد كلّ تلك المصطلحات طبعاً - .</p>\r\n<p>وقد كتبت وكتب خيرة الزملاء - ممّن أعرفهم ويغيب عنّي غيرهم من الباحثين - في أبعاد البحث عن تفكيك المعنى - أقصد الأُمّة - أو إيجاده في (العراقي)، أفراداً وجماعاتٍ، أو حتّى (مكوّنات) كما يعبّر سياسيّونا حفظهم الله ورعاهم!&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p>وما محاولات أُستاذنا المفكّر والكاتب الإسلامي (جواد علي كسار) في كتابه (الوطنية العراقية.. تحدّيات المشروعين الإيراني والتركي) عنّا ببعيدٍ. وقد سبقه، أو سار على دربه، الباحثون الزملاء (سليم مطر، وإبراهيم العبادي، وحسين درويش العادلي، ود. علي طاهر الحمود) في مقالاتٍ وكتاباتٍ مختلفةٍ. وأستطيع أن أدّعي أنّ كلّ هذه المحاولات لا شكّ أنّها أنتجت وستنتج كثيراً على مستوى التأمّل والتفكير، حتّى مرحلة (الإيجاد)، إن تسالمنا على عدم (الوجود) لـ(أُمّةٍ عراقيةٍ) أو (هويةٍ وطنيةٍ) جامعةٍ وشاملةٍ لكلّ العراقيين، ينحني لها الجميع.&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p>ولكن، يبقى الغور في أسبار علاقة العراقيين بـ(دولتهم) أهمّ علّةٍ - من وجهة نظري - تكشف انقسامهم بشكلٍ رئيسٍ إلى جماعاتٍ ثلاث. ولا مجال للمواربة &ndash; كباحثين - لغضّ الطرف عن كشفها والحديث عنها بعقل الباحث المستنير، لا بلسان المتسطّحين في وعيهم، والمتجمدين على أفكارهم. فعلاقة الشيعة بالدولة العراقية الحديثة كانت منذ بواكيرها الأُولى مرتبكةً للدرجة التي حجبتهم عن المشاركة في مؤسّساتها بشكلٍ كبيرٍ. كلُّ ذلك بذرائع مختلفة، منها علاقة الانكليز بتأسيسها بعد إسقاط الدولة العثمانية (المسلمة)، رغم ما وقع على الشيعة من ظلمٍ وإقصاءٍ كبيرٍ في ظلّها على حساب العرب السنة الذين كان لهم الوجود الأكبر من حيث الدور والتمثيل. وظلّت علاقة الشيعة بالدولة علاقةً مرتبكةً حتّى بعد مشاركتهم الواسعة في السلطة بعد العام 2003 بدفع وتحفيز المرجعية الدينية في النجف الأشرف. وكان من الصعب بالنسبة لعامّة الشيعة التفكيك والتمييز بين معارضة (السلطة) أو الاختلاف معها من جانب، ولزوم حماية (الدولة) باعتبارها الحامي الرئيس من الاضطهاد في حال إرساء قواعدها على أساس العدل والإنصاف من جهةٍ أُخرى. فورث جيل التغيير أزمة العلاقة مع (الدولة) من الآباء والأجداد. وهكذا، لا زالت تشعر قطاعاتٌ واسعةٌ من الشيعة أزمتها مع (الحكم) و(السلطة) و(الدولة). ولكلِّ واحدٍ منها معنىً معروفٌ من الناحية النظرية الفلسفية.&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p>أمّا (السنّة) فمرجعيتهم عبر التاريخ (الدولة)، ولكن أيّ (دولة)؟ الدولة التي يحكمها (ولي الأمر) (المسلم) (السنّي). وبذلك برز التذبذب في فهم تلك العلاقة عندما حكم (دولة) التغيير (ولي أمر) (شيعي)! وهو الأمر الذي سبّب السماح لنفوذ جماعاتٍ سلفيةٍ حاولت تقديم بديلٍ عمليٍّ لغياب (ولي الأمر) الذي تنسجم فيه شروط (الولاية) ومنها (مذهبه). ووقع السواد الأعظم من العراقيين (السنّة) فريسة أفكار تلك الجماعات؛ لعدم وجود إجاباتٍ لدعوى اختلال مواصفات (ولي الأمر) التي طرحتها تلك الجماعات. فضلاً عن مشاعر التهميش والإقصاء التي تنامت في ذلك الوسط الاجتماعي الذي كان يمتلك مقدّرات الدولة لعقودٍ من الزمن.</p>\r\n<p>ولم يكن (الكورد) بأحسن حالٍ في علاقتهم مع (الدولة) العراقية. بل على العكس، فقد كانت العلاقة خلال العقود العشر الماضية قائمةً على أساس وصاية (المركز) العربي على (الإقليم) الكردي من جانب، وتعامل (الكورد) مع المركز على أساس الاستسلام للظرف الموضوعي الذي يمنع تكوين (دولتهم) المستقلّة. كلّ ذلك وسط تغذية ثقافية واجتماعية تريد أن تُقنع الكورد بأنّ الاختلاف الحضاري بين القوميتين العربية والكردية سيبقى حائلاً عن الإحساس بأنّهم جزءٌ من العراق، إلّا بنحو الضرورة والحاجة، لا بنحو القناعة والإيمان والاعتقاد.&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p>فإذا كان (إبراهيم) عليه السلام لوحده (أُمّة واحدة) كما عبّر القرآن، فإنّ أبرز معنى وقيمة منتظرة للأُمّة العراقية المنسجمة أن يكون لها رأيٌ ينظِّمُ علاقة (الجماعات) الثلاث - أو إذا شئت القول (المكوّنات) الثلاث - بدولتهم التي تمثّلهم وترعى مصالحهم، والسلام!</p>', NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, 13),
(24, 'en', 'Nation Iraqi Origin and formation', 'I have been wrestling with the editorial management in writing this article. Because of the anxiety and confusion to deal with the term (the nation), until I reached my las....', '', 'Dr. Abbas Al-Anbouri', '<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: center;\"><span style=\"font-size: 18pt;\"><strong>One Iraqi nation.. and three groups!</strong></span></p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">I have been wrestling with the editorial management in writing this article. Because of the anxiety and confusion to deal with the term (the nation), until I reached my last chance to postpone writing. And here it is necessary that there is no need for it. Although it - that is, the editorial board - has struggled and exerted efforts in its attempt to dismantle the idea and the term, and to search for its roots, by reviewing different points of view; To reveal what is ambiguous about understanding, all of this is an attempt to achieve the content after rooting the theory. This was done through writing and translating the elite of those who wrote about it.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">However, I still believe that there is an overlap and complexity between the term (nation), whether it is Iraqi, Persian, American, etc., and other terms such as (patriotism) or (national identity). Among them, for example, overlapping in essence and the possibility of verification, formation and formation, in causes and conditions - I mean all those terms, of course -.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">I wrote and wrote the books of the best colleagues - whom I know and other researchers who are absent from me - in the dimensions of the search for deconstructing meaning - I mean the nation - or finding it in (Iraqi), individuals and groups, or even (components) as our politicians express, may God protect and preserve them!</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">And the attempts of our Islamic thinker and writer (Jawad Ali Kassar) in his book (Iraqi Nationalism... Challenges of the Iranian and Turkish Projects) are far from us. He was preceded, or followed in his footsteps, by fellow researchers (Salim Matar, Ibrahim Al-Abadi, Hussein Darwish Al-Adly, and Dr. Ali Taher Al-Hamoud) in various articles and writings. And I can claim that all these attempts undoubtedly produced and will produce a lot on the level of reflection and thinking, until the stage of (creation).</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">However, the deepening of the Iraqis\' relationship with (their state) remains the most important reason - from my point of view - that reveals their division mainly into three groups. There is no room for equivocation - as researchers - to turn a blind eye to revealing it and talking about it with the mind of the enlightened researcher, not with the tongue of those who are flat in their awareness and who are frozen in their thoughts. The relationship of the Shiites with the modern Iraqi state, since its early days, was so confused that it prevented them from participating in its institutions to a large extent. All this under various pretexts, including the relationship of the British to its establishment after the overthrow of the Ottoman (Muslim) state, despite the great injustice and exclusion that befell the Shiites under it at the expense of the Sunni Arabs, who had the largest presence in terms of role and representation. The Shiites\' relationship with the state remained turbulent, even after their wide participation in power after 2003, by pushing and stimulating the religious authority in Najaf. It was difficult for ordinary Shiites to disentangle and distinguish between opposition to (authority) or disagreement with it on the one hand, and the need to protect (the state) as the main protector from persecution in the event that its foundations are established on the basis of justice and fairness on the other hand. The generation of change inherited the crisis of the relationship with (the state) from parents and grandparents. Thus, large segments of Shiites still feel their crisis with (rule), (authority) and (state). And each one of them has a meaning known from the philosophical point of view.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">As for the (Sunnis), their reference throughout history is (the state), but which (state)? The country ruled by (the guardian) (Muslim) (Sunni). Thus, the fluctuation in understanding that relationship emerged when the rule of (the state) of change was (a guardian) (Shiite)! This is what allowed the influence of Salafist groups that tried to provide a practical alternative to the absence of the (guardian), in which the conditions of (guardianship) are consistent, including his (sect). The vast majority of Iraqis (Sunnis) fell prey to the ideas of these groups. Because there are no answers to the claim of imbalance in the specifications of the (guardian) put forward by these groups. In addition to the feelings of marginalization and exclusion that have grown in that social milieu that had owned the state&rsquo;s capabilities for decades.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">The (Kurds) were not in the best condition in their relationship with the Iraqi (state). On the contrary, the relationship during the past ten decades was based on the trusteeship of the Arab (centre) over the Kurdish (region) on the one hand, and the dealings of (the Kurds) with the center on the basis of surrender to the objective circumstance that prevents the formation of their independent (state). All of this is in the midst of a cultural and social nurturing that wants to convince the Kurds that the cultural difference between the Arab and Kurdish nationalities will remain a barrier to the feeling that they are part of Iraq, except in terms of necessity and need, not in terms of conviction, faith and belief.</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">&nbsp;</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">If (Abraham), peace be upon him, was alone (one nation) as expressed by the Qur&rsquo;an, then the most prominent meaning and expected value of the harmonious Iraqi nation is that it has an opinion that regulates the relationship of the three (groups) - or if you like to say the three (components) - with their state that represents them and takes care of their interests, Peace!</p>', NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, 13),
(25, 'ar', 'الأمن القومي العراقي', 'الأمن القومي العراقي', '', 'د.علاء حميد إدريس', '<p>الأمن القومي العراقي</p>', NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, 14),
(26, 'en', 'Iraqi national security', 'Iraqi national security', '', 'Dr. Alaa Hamid Idris', '<p dir=\"ltr\" style=\"text-align: center;\"><span style=\"font-size: 24px;\"><strong>Iraqi national securityIraqi national securityIraqi national securityIraqi national securityIraqi national securityIraqi national securityIraqi national securityIraqi national securityIraqi national securityIraqi national security</strong></span></p>', NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, 14),
(27, 'ar', 'ملحق - 1', 'قمّةُ بغدادَ للتعاونِ والشراكةِ: فرصٌ وتحدياتٌ', '', 'د. عباس العنبوري', '<p>قمّةُ بغدادَ للتعاونِ والشراكةِ:</p>\r\n<p>فرصٌ وتحدياتٌقمّةُ بغدادَ للتعاونِ والشراكةِ:</p>\r\n<p>فرصٌ وتحدياتٌقمّةُ بغدادَ للتعاونِ والشراكةِ:</p>\r\n<p>فرصٌ وتحدياتٌقمّةُ بغدادَ للتعاونِ والشراكةِ:</p>\r\n<p>فرصٌ وتحدياتٌقمّةُ بغدادَ للتعاونِ والشراكةِ:</p>\r\n<p>فرصٌ وتحدياتٌ</p>', NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, 15),
(28, 'en', 'Baghdad Summit for Cooperation and Partnership: Opportunities and challenges', 'Baghdad Summit for Cooperation and Partnership:\r\nOpportunities and challenges', '', 'Dr. Abbas Al-Anbouri', '<p dir=\"ltr\">Baghdad Summit for Cooperation and Partnership:</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">Opportunities and challengesBaghdad Summit for Cooperation and Partnership:</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">Opportunities and challengesBaghdad Summit for Cooperation and Partnership:</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">Opportunities and challengesBaghdad Summit for Cooperation and Partnership:</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">Opportunities and challengesBaghdad Summit for Cooperation and Partnership:</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">Opportunities and challengesBaghdad Summit for Cooperation and Partnership:</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">Opportunities and challengesBaghdad Summit for Cooperation and Partnership:</p>\r\n<p dir=\"ltr\">Opportunities and challenges</p>', NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, 15),
(29, 'ar', 'ملحق - 2', 'الخطاب السياسي', '', 'د. عباس العنبوري', '<p>الخطاب</p>\r\n<p>السياسيالخطاب</p>\r\n<p>السياسيالخطاب</p>\r\n<p>السياسيالخطاب</p>\r\n<p>السياسيالخطاب</p>\r\n<p>السياسي</p>', 'ملحق - 2', '<p><span style=\"color: #555555; font-family: \'Helvetica Neue\', Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; background-color: #ffffff;\">هذا النص هو مثال لنص يمكن أن يستبدل في نفس المساحة، لقد تم توليد هذا النص من مولد النص العربى، حيث يمكنك أن تولد مثل هذا النص أو العديد من النصوص الأخرى إضافة إلى زيادة عدد الحروف التى يولدها التطبيق.</span></p>', 'ملحق - 2', '<p><span style=\"color: #555555; font-family: \'Helvetica Neue\', Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; background-color: #ffffff;\">هذا النص هو مثال لنص يمكن أن يستبدل في نفس المساحة، لقد تم توليد هذا النص من مولد النص العربى، حيث يمكنك أن تولد مثل هذا النص أو العديد من النصوص الأخرى إضافة إلى زيادة عدد الحروف التى يولدها التطبيق.</span></p>', 'ملحق - 2', '<p><span style=\"color: #555555; font-family: \'Helvetica Neue\', Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; background-color: #ffffff;\">هذا النص هو مثال لنص يمكن أن يستبدل في نفس المساحة، لقد تم توليد هذا النص من مولد النص العربى، حيث يمكنك أن تولد مثل هذا النص أو العديد من النصوص الأخرى إضافة إلى زيادة عدد الحروف التى يولدها التطبيق.</span></p>', 'ملحق - 2', '<p><span style=\"color: #555555; font-family: \'Helvetica Neue\', Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; background-color: #ffffff;\">هذا النص هو مثال لنص يمكن أن يستبدل في نفس المساحة، لقد تم توليد هذا النص من مولد النص العربى، حيث يمكنك أن تولد مثل هذا النص أو العديد من النصوص الأخرى إضافة إلى زيادة عدد الحروف التى يولدها التطبيق.</span></p>', NULL, NULL, NULL, '<p>ملحق - 2</p>', NULL, '<p><span style=\"color: #555555; font-family: \'Helvetica Neue\', Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; background-color: #ffffff;\">هذا النص هو مثال لنص يمكن أن يستبدل في نفس المساحة، لقد تم توليد هذا النص من مولد النص العربى، حيث يمكنك أن تولد مثل هذا النص أو العديد من النصوص الأخرى إضافة إلى زيادة عدد الحروف التى يولدها التطبيق.</span></p>', NULL, '<p>ملحق - 2</p>', 'ملحق - 2', '<p>ملحق - 2</p>', 16),
(30, 'en', 'the speech politician', 'the speech\r\npolitician', '', 'Dr. Abbas Al-Anbouri', '<p>the speech</p>\r\n<p>politicianthe speech</p>\r\n<p>politicianthe speech</p>\r\n<p>politicianthe speech</p>\r\n<p>politicianthe speech</p>\r\n<p>politicianthe speech</p>\r\n<p>politicianthe speech</p>\r\n<p>politician</p>', NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, NULL, 16);

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