<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center; direction: ltr; unicode-bidi: embed;" align="center"><strong style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 20.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">Transitional justice in Iraq between concept and facts</span></strong></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left; direction: ltr; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span style="color: #3598db;"><strong style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN" style="mso-ansi-language: EN;">Dr. Faleh Maktouf Kased</span></strong></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; direction: ltr; unicode-bidi: embed;"><strong style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">The concept of transitional <a name="_GoBack"></a>justice:</span></strong></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; text-align: justify; direction: ltr; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">Transitional justice <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>can<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp; </span>be defined as practical applications or measures taken by authorities who left the dictatorship and moved to the democratic rule, and these measures are often based <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>on addressing (all) the effects of the regimes on <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>society in general and <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>on the victims of the previous era in order to make reparations in the broad sense, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>which includes material and moral compensation <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>in particular., in addition <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>to rehabilitation <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>at various levels <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>in order <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>to live in a phase of harmony in which public and personal freedoms are exercised for all and in harmony with human rights.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; text-align: justify; direction: ltr; unicode-bidi: embed;"><strong style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">Transitional Justice Approaches:</span></strong></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; text-align: justify; direction: ltr; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">Transitional justice has multiple approaches that have contributed to the development and clarification of its concept in theory, and these approaches have been deduced and extracted through practical and procedural steps of global experiences that have been developed in front of <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>a relative choice, by applying all these strategies <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>or choosing what is commensurate with the actual need that enables it to develop <u>all</u> or <u>some</u><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp; </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>transitional justice approaches. For example, in Germany, the trial and non-impunity approaches that took place at the <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>Nurnb Court in <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>1945 for Nazi leaders, in addition to compensation for victims, played <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>a significant role in the experience of that country after World War II. After the unification of Germany with the eastern part after the collapse of Berlin in 1998, the most important approach to transitional justice was the purge of institutions in the eastern part, while in Sierra Leone, a commission of inquiry Facts and reconciliation formed in July 2002 played the largest role in resolving the issue of transitional justice, while the approach to trials of <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>Argentine leaders <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>and their impunity was a <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>priority in that experience, and the opposition's access to power through negotiation was the closest to the applied practice in <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>the Polish experience, and thus the priorities for <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>the applications of transitional justice strategies are multiplied according to each experience separately. From the follow-up of global experiences and their applications, the most important approaches to transitional justice were diagnosed, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>which are summarized astruth commissions, institutional reform, trials and non-impunity, compensation and reparations, apology and reconciliation, purification, anniversary, memorials, and negotiation.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; text-align: justify; direction: ltr; unicode-bidi: embed;"><strong style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">The significance of transitional justice in the Iraqi experience:</span></strong></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; text-align: justify; direction: ltr; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">Transitional <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>justice in Iraq has its own significance that is consistent with the general understanding at the official or popular level, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>which is that <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>this type of justice <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>is only <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>associated with the reality of compensation and <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>reparation for victims, and therefore, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>according to that conviction and understanding <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>, transitional justice <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>must cease to exist when it achieves that end. However, this perception created a kind of <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>engagement <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>that reduced the supposed <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>importance <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>of transitional justice, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>which led to a reduction <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>in its role, and the impact of this on the lack of <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>promotion at the social level, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>or its <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>adoption as a culture of change.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; text-align: justify; direction: ltr; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">In fact, this arbitrary <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>understanding <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>that links <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>transitional justice to compensation for victims <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>and treats it as the sole mission <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>of transitional justice <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>needs to be reviewed because transitional justice, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>from the perspective <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>of any democratic transition, is a pillar of any new system. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>The regime can achieve the foundations of democracy, civil peace, and the rotation of power at the very least, because it is based, according to international experiences, and at a minimum, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>on creating balance <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>and coexistence andconsolidating societal harmony between two decreasing categories, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>the first category, which is considered as a legacy <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>Duringthe former regime, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>it has been established for decades and established a culture of violence, which is represented byarbitrary practices based on more arbitrary legislation linked to <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>an integrated society of followers and <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>followers and an obedient structure<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp; </span>of thesecurity services that need <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>institutional reform. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>Inaddition <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>, there is a party apparatus that supports the regime, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>which represented <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>the interests of a <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>class of beneficiaries, and among the <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>second category, such as victims who <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>were subjected to human rights <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>violations and whose lives, interests, livelihood and freedom were exposed in all fields. Some of <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>them have been subjected to genocide and to punishments contrary to human rights, starting with the <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>death penalty and ending with imprisonment, displacement, lack of equal opportunities, national and sectarian discrimination, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>and other diminishions of their <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>right to live in dignity, for a period of <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>time.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;&nbsp; </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>This contrast and conflict needs that <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>balance between the <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>two extremes and create a <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>societal harmony between them, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>and to emphasize <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>that <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>overcoming the legacy <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>of the past can only come through the support of a setter and a real adoption of an important approach to transitional justice that <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>The <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>term "reconciliation" is interspersed with approaches to apology <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>and frankness, as well as prosecution for those who committed <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>crimes worthy of punishment or rehabilitation that are accompanied by the cleansing of the state apparatus from the elements that committed those crimes, and this indicates <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>the <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>importance and seriousness of transitional justice, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>whose <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>consolidation as a practical practice must be influential in changing the balance of power towards concepts Justice and equality, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>concretely <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>and with its permanent characteristics <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>that are <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>identified with the existence <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>of a new democratic <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>system, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>in which it is assumed to differ from its predecessor by adopting the broad concept and practical practice of <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>transitional justice at the level of strategies that characterizedit. , and its close association with other concepts such as true <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>democracy and peaceful transfer of power.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; text-align: justify; direction: ltr; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">Although it <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>issaid that transitional justice was associated with cooperation according to the official and popular understanding, it is at the level of facts and as a concept and term circulating <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>in the political literature in Iraq came later to <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>a set <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>of legislations that included realistic treatments of various issues, and <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>the aforementioned concept <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>appears <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>to <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>Today, the concept of (transitional justice) has become <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>circulating among those interested, and at the official level to some extent, and from all of the <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>above, it can be said thatthe adoption of transitional justice in <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>all its entirety <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>was not the intended approach that governments have followed since the fall of the former regime, in order to <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>reach its desired goals.Rather, it came casually, until it gradually stabilized <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>and was circulated as a human rights and political term.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; direction: ltr; unicode-bidi: embed;"><strong style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">Transitional Justice Institutions :</span></strong></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; direction: ltr; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">It has been noted that the change that took place in Iraq and led to the removal <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>of the previous regime was not concerned with transitional justice, but <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>the new authority inadvertently took certain paths <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>and adopted multiple <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>mechanisms to achieve some of thegoals that approach transitional justice. These include issuing laws to form ministries such as the Ministry of Migration and Displacement, laws to form institutions and bodies not linked to a ministry, or forming committees such as committees of political dismissals in ministries and other such mechanisms, but it is noted <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>that the treatments that came <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>in the era following the change of the former regime were <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>not based on the establishment of these bodies with the aim of showing transitional justice as if it were <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>a milestone <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>in Iraq's modern history. What addressed some of the shortcomings out of necessity, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>as a first step, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>so we see that it made the (public office) as a preliminary <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>experimental standard <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>for structural treatments of the state, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>and the goal was not to achieve transitional justice. There has been an unintended harmony between government actions and transitional justice approaches.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; direction: ltr; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">The first measure approved by the new authority with regard to the public service was the establishment of the <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>Supreme National Commission for De-Baathification by a <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>law issued by the Coalition Provisional Authority headed by US Governor Paul Bremer on May 16, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>2003 to uproot the structure of the Baath Party in Iraq, and this <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>was accompanied by <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>the dissolution of a number of security services and the military institution, and this falls within the <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>approach of <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>It is noticeable that the purge approach came a <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>month and one week after the fall of the former regime, and this quick step carries with it a <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>political ADF more than a political one A project to establish transitional justice as a governmental approach, and <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>years later, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>the cleansing procedure was <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>classified under the name (Supreme National Authority for Accountability and <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>Justice) and its law No. (10) of 2008 was issued, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>which in turn witnessed other amendments, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>and to offset <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>the effects of that early <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>procedure, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>The Law No. (24) was issued on 26/12/2005 <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>in order to develop solutions to the arbitrariness of the opponents of the regime and their relatives to the fourth degree, in <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>addition to <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>addressing the situation of the new state employees, and creating a quantitative and qualitative balance for eradication and vacancy of jobs in the administrative apparatus of the state that needs a cadre. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>It must be said that the laws <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>that are not mentioned, in addition to the trials of the symbols of the <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>former regime, accountability and <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>non-impunity, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>allowing the return of the forcibly displaced, and other procedures covered by the <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>concept of transitional justice, are not based on the principle of material compensation, but are closer to moral compensation.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; direction: ltr; unicode-bidi: embed;"><strong style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">The role of the constitution in establishing compensation bodies :</span></strong></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; text-align: justify; direction: ltr; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">The Constitution of the Republic of Iraq for the year 2005 provided for the sponsorship of victims in general and referred in particular to the families of martyrs and political prisoners and obligated to compensate them under (Article 132 / I), which stated that "the State shall guarantee the care of the families of martyrs, political prisoners and those affected by the arbitrary practices <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>of the exterminated dictatorial regime", and <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>this text marked <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>the <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>issuance of a series of laws, which led to the <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>formation of Institutions to compensate victims at the level of Iraq according to the type of damage, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>but it can be noted the lack of <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>coordination between the Kurdistan region <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>and the central government on the basis of joint action, so we see that there is a lack of available statistics related <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>to the whole country or the classification of damage and <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>entitlement to compensation and so on.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; text-align: justify; direction: ltr; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>The Martyrs Foundation and the <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>Political Prisoners Foundation are among the <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>most prominent institutions for compensating political victims in Iraq in addition to the Ministry of <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>Martyrs and <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>Anfal in the Kurdistan Region, while <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>the Ministry of Migration and Displacement and the <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>Property Disputes Commission are seen as<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp; </span>secondary bodies <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>concerned withcompensation. Some of the affected segments, in addition to the committees that are concerned with moral compensation, such as the committees of the<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp; </span>political <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>dismissals, which were formed in all ministries and entities not associated with the ministry, as <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>well as the verification committee, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>which was formed in the General Secretariat of the Council of Ministers, and <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>its task is to receive requests through the political separation committees, and issue decisions (b) Reinstating <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>political dismissals to <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>the positions of H.M., taking into account the years of service that they were unable <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>to perform due to the policies <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>of the former regime.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; text-align: justify; direction: ltr; unicode-bidi: embed;"><strong style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">Applications of the compensation approach :</span></strong></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; text-align: justify; direction: ltr; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">The approach to compensation <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>in the Iraqi experience <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>is the most prominent among all other approaches, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>as it has captured <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>the perception <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>of official and popular public opinion that transitional justice is directly and solely related to the issue of compensation, and this understanding was inferred, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>due to the <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>material <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>compensation forthe target groups <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>of victims or their families. Among the most important advantages was <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>to give a rewarding <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>salary to political <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>prisoners and families of martyrs, in addition to a plot of land or housing unit, as well as other facilities related to primary and higher <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>education, in addition to <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>health care and <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>others, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>and it can be said that this file <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>(compensation file) It is coming to an end, but what hinders it is <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>the weak response of other parties <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>and their cooperation with the victims, especially with regard to the issue of the housing unit or the residential plot, and <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>this depends on the cooperation of the <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>Ministry of Municipalities andthe governors in addition to Amanat Baghdad for the residents of BagdaD.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; text-align: justify; direction: ltr; unicode-bidi: embed;"><strong style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">Duration of transitional justice institutions :</span></strong></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; text-align: justify; direction: ltr; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">The survival of transitional justice institutions is not eternal, but depends on <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>the distinction and distinction between the purpose <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>of their existence, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>if <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>their goal is <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>compensation, the issue is only related to the completion of files submitted by <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>the victims or their families, and this requires additional time due to the large number of files according to the large number of violations, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>and <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>therefore the survival of these institutions is subject to to accomplish what it is required to do in fulfillment ofitsobjectives established by its laws.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; text-align: justify; direction: ltr; unicode-bidi: embed;"><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">However, if these institutions are related to the entire transitional justice project, this requires the development of a comprehensive vision on the subject of transitional justice, including the need to bridge the <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>gap between <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>the political experience of the authority that followed the era of the former regime, and the <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>maximum application of all transitional justice approaches, which no party sought <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>to implement <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>, in addition to the lack of attribution. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>Therefore, the experience of transitional justice in Iraq is fragmented, as <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>there is no link between any of the strategies of that justice, for example, the <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>trials <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>of regime figures directly involved in human rights violations <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>and the lack of impunity for them, and as important as this approach is <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>However, these trials were not treated <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>as part of a holistic transitional justice project, orwith <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>regard to the issue of apologies to victims, national reconciliation, the consolidation of a culture of amnesty, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>institutional reform, rehabilitation<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp; </span>of victims, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>and others, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>but remained as scattered vocabulary, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>As for other <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>approaches, such as the completion of monuments or anniversaries, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>they do not receive social or media attention from <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>the state, and the fact that society's lack of interest <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span>in sacrifice reflects the failure to Highlight it and highlight the concept of the transitional function at the state level in general.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; text-align: justify;"><span lang="AR-IQ" style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%; font-family: 'Simplified Arabic',serif; mso-bidi-language: AR-IQ;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">&nbsp;</span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" dir="RTL" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="AR-IQ" style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 107%; font-family: 'Arial',sans-serif; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-language: AR-IQ;">&nbsp;</span></p>
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